Monday, 31 March 2014

Interview with Leon Degrelle




NAME: Leon Degrelle
NATION: Belgium
DATE (S) OF INTERVIEW: March 1984, April 1993 (Telephonic)
PLACE OF INTERVIEW: Barcelona, Spain
LANGUAGE (S) CONDUCTED: English, German, French
SIGNIFICANCE OF SUBJECT: Leader of the Belgian Socialist Rexist
Movement; German volunteer, Waffen SS General and 28th Waffen SS Division Commander.
OTHERS IN ATTENDANCE: Michele Ulovey
FORMAT: Q & A standard.


Q: When and where were you born?

A: I was born in Bouillon, Luxembourg on 15 June 1906.

Q: What was your family like?

A: My father was a brewer, a good Catholic man, and my mother was the most wonderful woman in the world.

Q: What was your education like?

A: My family had been Jesuit educated for many generations, and I went to the College of Notre Dame de la Paix. I studied the classics and theology, but was seriously drawn to politics. The Jesuits taught us to expand our mind and pursue knowledge, which I did. Unfortunately some of my fellow countrymen took a dim view of my independent writing and publishing on certain political thoughts. I had a tough time.

Q: You were arrested, were you not?

A: Yes, I was arrested in 1940 by French troops, beaten, and moved around from damp jail cells where I was tortured until finally freed by German troops. They knew who I was since I was a leader of the Rexist Party, which was a Socialist anti-Communist political party. Seeing that I would not receive any help, let alone justice from the authorities in Belgium I knew that that government was illegitimate, and I decided that the corruption must be challenged.

Q: How did you join the German army?

A: My brother had been murdered, my parents and wife killed after torture, and my eight children were taken away and scattered to the winds, a situation that would not be resolved for many years. I basically had some additional political problems, and until the Germans invaded and captured the country I was not safe. I felt that Belgium would only be a great and sovereign nation again once Germany won the war and eliminated the dangers of Communism. I formed the first group of volunteers from the Flemish and Walloons, and we were formed in our own battalion. Later we were assigned to the training centres, and then deployed to Army Group Center at first. Many of our men were sent to the Demyansk region as support in late 1941 to early 1942, but were then recalled and joined 5th SS ‘Wiking’ in the Ukraine later. We later became our own independent Waffen SS unit, the 28th der Waffen SS-Panzergrenadier Division ‘Wallonien’ in April 1944 at a ceremony in Brussels. ‘Sepp’ Dietrich, Max Wünsche and other notables were there for the induction ceremony. We started with 400 men in 1940, later growing to about 15,000, but only about 400 would be around after the war, including myself and two other original members. Of the original 6,000 men in the regiment before becoming a division 2,500 were killed. We had a great combat record, and Hitler personally congratulated me and gave me the Oak Leaves. I believe that we had the greatest number of Knight’s Crosses of any foreign unit, but I am not sure.

Q: What was it like for you, fighting on the Russian Front?

A: Well, that was where the real war was. The greatest threat was from Communist Russia and the Western Allies discovered this only too late; we live in the world created by this today. As far as Russia, it must be the weather, especially the bitter winters, and the endless steppe that goes forever. We were not prepared for this environment. The Russians were used to it and were well clothed to resist the cold. The greatest assets we had were the opportunity to strip Russian dead and take their padded clothing and felt boots, as well as those marvelous fur hats. They were very adapted to ski warfare, which we also used, and were perhaps even better at since we were Edelweiss trained as well. The partisan war was the worst, we had to adapt immediately to very situation, and the situation always changed. This was especially bad since they did not wear uniforms and could blend into any village. A typical day was when we moved all night on foot, sometimes with trucks and always looking for the next ambush. The Soviets sent artillery in to try and channel us into their killing zones, but we hit the earth and pushed through, taking casualties every time. The largest partisan fighting I was involved in was near the road at Cherkassy, where the partisan cavalry attacked and withdrew quickly. I ordered my men not to pursue, as it was not our mission. When we linked up with members of 4th Army we felt safer. But that was just the beginning.

Q: You wrote about Soviet atrocities in you your book, Campaign in Russia. Would you describe some of the things you witnessed during the war on both sides?

A: The partisans were usually the worst group to be captured by; they gouged out eyes, cut off fingers, genitalia, toes, and would butcher a man in front of his comrades before beginning their field interrogation. This was confirmed from both soldiers who escaped captivity and defecting partisans who were sickened by the sight and later joined the anti-Stalinist cause. One even had photographs that were turned over to the intelligence section of 2nd SS Panzer Army. I saw them. I saw a young German soldier, part of a reconnaissance patrol that had disappeared who had his legs crudely amputated at the knees with a saw or knife. We could see that even dying after this procedure he had managed to crawl several meters with his fingers. Another SS man had been crucified alive and his genitals removed and stuffed in his mouth. Several times we witnessed the Soviets and partisans retreating after a battle, stopping long enough to kill our wounded, usually by smashing their heads with their weapons or using a bayonet, shovel, ax handle, or knife. This did nothing to engender a more humane attitude towards the partisans when captured.

Q: What was the atmosphere like fighting next to the other European volunteers?

A: Well, the Russians hated the Italians certainly, I think even more than they hated the Germans, which I wrote about. I remember Italians being killed and tortured in horrible ways. Once a group of prisoners was stripped of their clothes and dowsed in ice water and were allowed to freeze to death. This was during the winter, and they died frozen alive. They even killed doctors and the chaplain. We discovered these events after recapturing a couple of villages. It was absolutely horrible.

Q: How were the peasants’ attitudes towards your unit and the Germans?

A: The peasants were just simple people who had suffered under Stalin and the great promises of Communism, and they were, for the most part very supportive of us. This was most evident when we attended their religious services. I attended regularly whenever possible, although I am a Catholic, the Russian Orthodox services were handled by priests who had either been in prison, sent to Siberia, or living in hiding for many years. We supported their religious freedom and they responded very well. It was very moving to see parents bring their young children for Baptisms and Christenings, and the old people holding their icons and crucifixes. They prayed for an end to Stalin and his measures, they also prayed for us to win. Another thing that must be remembered is that we also assisted the peasants in bringing in their crops, protected them from partisan reprisals and gave them jobs. They lived a better life under us for three years than under the Communists during their entire lives. They also gave us great intelligence on partisan and Red Army activity, and worked as translators and scouts. This was especially true in the Ukraine, although sometimes the Germans in charge would do stupid things and destroy the support we had gained. One village I remember was called Baibusy; we had a great relationship with these Ukrainians and others who fled there. They were marvelous. In the Caucasus the anti-Soviet feeling was incredible, especially among the Kalmucks and Armenians, and they fought with us and for us in a fanatical way. Another great memory was an entire village turning out to welcome us as we entered. The people brought out their religious icons and gave us information and valuable intelligence, food, places to stay, everything. The orders from the upper command were to treat the locals humanely; they were our allies. These people became a second family for many of us, and when we left there was a great deal of sadness. Once Paul Hausser and I attended a religious mass; the people knelt before him as if he were a Patriarch, blessing him for his presence and for restoring their religious freedom. With the candles and gilt images it was quite an impressive scene.

Q: You fought the partisans; what was this type of warfare like?

A: Well, it was the worst. First, there were many different types of partisans. There were the Communist fanatics who were the most dangerous and could not be bargained with. Then there were the peasants, conscripts who had little choice in the matter, and then there were the former Red Army men who joined the partisans due to their units having been cut off and destroyed, although many of the last two groups defected to us at some point. They moved quickly in their pig skin sandals as light infantry and in small groups, usually at night, using hit and run tactics and creating turmoil in general. They placed mines in roads, killed sentries, kidnapped officials and forcibly conscripted recruits, and they were very difficult to catch. In the Caucasus the terrain was a jungle, very thick with valleys and great forests where we had a very difficult time against the partisans; snipers climbed trees in the very dense forests, they had bunker complexes, underground hospitals, weapons manufacturing centres, everything. They had dug live graves; holes in the ground where they shared body heat and were well camouflaged. They lived like animals and fought the same way. Many were freed criminals, even murderers who were brought from jails and placed into units. Their snipers were very deadly and were difficult to locate, let alone capture or kill. This type of fighting was the worst; it wore on the nerves of the men and reduced humanity to the lowest level. I would rather face the Red Army than these people. The one thing my men and I knew was that however large and present the threat presented by the Red Army, the partisans were the worst enemy to fight. Since they did not wear uniforms, unless they were in German clothing sometimes, and they blended well with the local population, which created a problem in choosing who was and was not a partisan. Unless you caught one with a weapon or were actively engaged against them it was impossible. Later during the war they were absorbed into Red Army infantry and tank units, and sometimes they were given uniforms. I would say the most disturbing aspect of fighting the partisans was that, unlike the Soviet military, the partisans adhered to no set doctrine, used no set order of battle that we could study, and basically struck where it was the most opportune. If we caught and cornered them they were dead, and they knew it. That was why they fought like fanatics.

Q: What was your impression of the Red Army?

A: Very undisciplined and suicidal in their tactics, but very determined in the fight. They had men and women of all ages and racial backgrounds, teenagers to pensioners, it was incredible. I once saw a boy no older than nine years old who had been killed in action, and it made me hate the Communists even more for their disregard for human life. It was also difficult for our men (Walloons) to shoot women and children; we were not accustomed to this, but it became necessary since they fought just as hard as the men.

Q: What were the prisoners you captured like?

A: Most Russians only wanted to surrender; these were usually peasants who had been caught up in the war and were hoping for something better. Many carried the safe conduct passes distributed along the front, guaranteeing safe passage to anyone surrendering. Thousands deserted carrying these passes.

Q: You mentioned the wearing on the nerves of the men. What was the typical condition of the men?

A: We had a few suicides and some went mad. It was a type of war that cannot be described, it must be experienced, but once experienced it still cannot be described. Does this make sense? I know it seems vague, but that is the best I can do. The exhaustion, hunger, fear, and pain, not to mention the cold of the winter all played their part. Seeing the brutality only made the situation worse. The men were walking ghosts; skeletons that had not eaten a hot meal in weeks, or even a solid meal unless we came across a dead horse or a village that offered us assistance. The orders were that no one would steal or commit any crime against the people. We needed their support, and anything that reduced that support would return to haunt us ten fold. Unfortunately, many German units did not observe this reality. We served with the 5th SS ‘Wiking’ Division during this period [1943], and they generally observed the rules. However, there were exceptions.

Q: How did the authorities handle desertions?

A: Those who were caught, and bear in mind that nearly everyone deserting was caught, were hanged, shot, or executed in some fashion and displayed for public viewing. Many were just children who had been sent into a war that was too much for them. They broke and they were killed by their own men for it. It was better to stay and face the enemy with the chance of surviving, than to desert and definitely be caught by the German Field Police, who were a judge and jury of their own. It was very sad.

Q: Did you ever work with the Freiwilligen?

A: Yes, many times, and it was both a success and a failure. There were some former Communists who re-defected to the Soviets, but I think most stayed and fought until the end. They knew what their fate was if captured by the Communists, and many were anti-Communists who were loyal to us. The best volunteers were generally the Western European units, such as our own Walloons, the French ‘Charlemagne’, and the Dutch and Norwegian units. The ‘Wiking’ was perhaps the most notable and we served with them. They were perhaps the best of all, and were actually the only foreign unit to be designated as an actual SS division, not an auxiliary unit, and they were also made a full panzer division as well.

Q: Were you ever exposed to Soviet propaganda?

A: Yes, quite often. The Reds knew who were and they would broadcast in French to us, asking us to come over and fight for De Gaulle. This did not work of course. We actually found it quite amusing.

Q: Tell us about your meetings with the Nazi elite, such as Hitler and Himmler, and what you thought of them.

A: I met Himmler only four times during the war, if my memory is correct, and Hitler I met several times, besides the Knight’s Cross and Oak Leaves awards. I once had a meeting with both of them at one time, when I made a request in 1943 that my men be allowed to have Catholic chaplains, and they agreed. I also refused to have my men partake in anything that we deemed un-soldierly, and Paul Hausser, ‘Sepp’ Dietrich and others supported me. Hitler once told me that if he had ever had a son, he wished that he would have been like me. I am not exactly sure why he said this, but I know he respected me, and I think Himmler did as well, although I never trusted him, and I was not quite comfortable with him as the supreme commander of the SS, including the Waffen SS, which we had joined. I believed that Germany could have won the war even after the Americans came into it if the mass of the eastern peoples had been rallied to our cause.

Q: Hitler decorated you with the Knight’s Cross personally, didn’t he?

A: Yes, in February 1944, following the Cherkassy battle, which was quite rare. I think only perhaps twenty men received the Knight’s Cross from Hitler personally, and twelve of those were for the Eban Emael operation in 1940. I received my Knight’s Cross at the same ceremony where General Herbert Gille received the Oak Leaves, as both of us were at Cherkassy together, and General Herman Fegelein and Himmler were in attendance as well. Josef Goebbels made a great propaganda exploit out of the situation, which was meant to assist the foreign recruiting effort. Gille would later be awarded the Diamonds, while Fegelein would be shot on Hitler’s orders.

Q: When did you first arrive in Russia?

A: We entered the Ukraine beginning in October 1941, after finishing basic training and mountain warfare school, although some of our troops had been diverted to the Demyansk region under Olivier Thoring, a Knight’s Cross winner who was later killed. They were assigned to 9th Army, then later joined us in the south the next year. It was his detachment that captured Andrei Vlasov in July 1942, for your information.

Q: How did you escape to Spain?

A: This was an interesting situation. After a crazy course through Germany, Belgium, and Denmark, where I met with Himmler in Kiel for the last time, we ended up in Oslo, Norway by ship, and we knew that this situation would not last after my meeting with [Vidkun] Quisling. We refueled the aircraft and took off on our flight. We ran out of fuel and crashed on a beach in Spain, and I have been here ever since. My own government condemned me to death, but they have not pursued those who murdered my family and killed in the name of their own causes. Justice is determined by those in power, nothing else.

Q: What was your final rank?

A: My rank was Oberfuehrer, which is one rank above a full colonel and just below a brigadier general, so there is no Allied equivalent. I was promoted to general in the last week of the war, but I never [personally] received the promotion to Brigadefuehrer.

Q: How has your life been since the war?

A: I spend my time writing about the war and meeting old friends, and now making new ones. I think that people need to understand that there is always another side to a story. If people in your country had suffered the loss of their families due to a political party that was in conflict with your beliefs, then many of your countrymen may find themselves on the other side. Your American Civil War is a prime example.

Q: What do you see yourself doing for the rest of your life?

A: Hopefully still writing, as long as my mind is sharp and I can see; always reading books, and wondering at the great changes that have taken place in my lifetime. The collapse of Communism in Europe has proven that we were right; we just needed validation, and now we have it. I think that what we may write is important, but the history as it unfolds will prove who was right, and who was wrong. I never believed in the purging of Jews and civilians in general, and that was not my war. My war was to fight for my country, which would have been an independent partner of Germany in a Communist free Europe. This is only now a reality, but we fought for it fifty years ago all the same.

Q: Do you feel that Communism will eventually die in the rest of the world as well?
  
A: Yes, it will fall. Governments are the most intangible structures made by man, they change shapes, and are altered by the forces of time and nature. However, I am an optimist; I am hopeful that we as a species will learn from our mistakes, and perhaps there will be hope for us all. But then again, I could be wrong.

Friday, 28 March 2014

Germany Reborn - by Hermann Göring



 

Translated from the Third Reich original published in 1934, this book covers the National-Socialist party rise to power and the first year of rule, including a chapter on Hermann Göring's tasks.

Tuesday, 25 March 2014

1,000,000 Women and Children Kidnapped




germanvictims.com… It was German women and children who were kidnapped under the Soviet star for forced labor in Russia… On the death march to the camps of the Soviet Gulag, the captured women and children starved, and thirst tortured them…

***

This story is only about a fraction of German civilians taken to the death camps by the Soviets. But German citizens have also been kidnapped and taken to work camps in France, England, the U.S. and several other countries in Eastern Europe.

1,000,000 German Women and Children Kidnapped and Put into the Gulags

FOCUS, NR. 38/2001 – Sept. 15, 2001

Politicians who compare the unspeakable suffering of the kidnapped women and children taken to death camps for forced labor in the Soviet Union to the suffering of foreigners in labor camps in Germany have a false interpretation of history. Whoever of the BRD [Germany] elite is so cynical as to associate the horrible destiny of the German victims and survivors of the eastern Communist death camps to the western democratic labor camps should be despised for all times and should be immediately put in front of the court, after the re-establishment of a lawful German state!

At the conference of Yalta in February 1945, the victorious Allies agreed to the most cruel crimes against humanity in their crimes against the German people. For these crimes, committed by democrats, the leaders of the ‘civilized’ world, AGAINST democracy and humanity, the victors themselves should have been hanged, according to the measurements handed out at the Nuernberg Trial. The perpetrators, however, had the subjugated Germans hanged and made sure that during the show trial against the losers of WWII, German children and German women were murdered in death camps. The BRD politicians mock the victims and celebrate the murders as “liberation.”

FORCED FEMALE LABOR

Women imprisoned, tortured, forgotten!

At the end of WWII the Red Army kidnapped nearly 1 Million German women and children for heavy labor in the Soviet Union.

Shoving them with rifle butts, the Soviet soldiers drove the young women and children into railway cattle cars. Forty or more people they squeezed into the smallest space. Rapes by the Red Army [*estimated 5,000,000 women and children were raped all over Europe, primarily after the war] members before the departure from Germany contributed to lifelong trauma. “I was raised that a girls should go into marriage as a virgin,” says Charlotte Kaufmann, 73. But the conquerors had no mercy.

It was German women and children who were kidnapped under the Soviet star for forced labor in Russia. Young German women from East Prussia, Pomerania, and Silica; ethnic Germans from Sudetenland and Poland, Danube Schwaben from the Hungarian Banat and Rumania; [*women from the Ukraine, the Crimea, the Volga area, and Siberia were kidnapped from other areas in addition to these numbers.]

Between January and May of 1945 [alone during this time], the Red Army received the order to drive German civilians into a collection throng. Soviet soldiers kidnapped more than a Million Civilians and took them to the Soviet Union. Among them were 864,000 [civilian] women. Children and a few thousand female support workers of the German military and Red Cross make up the difference.

The victors called their program ‘forced labor reparation work’ for the rebuilding of the Soviet Union demolished by the German Wehrmacht. [*It was actually the Soviets who burned everything to the ground they left behind every time they retreated. The German soldiers fed the starving Russian civilians left behind.] Hundreds of thousands more had a similar yoke in Poland, in Czechoslovakia, and Yugoslavia. [The same kidnapping took place in the Ukraine, the Crimea, on the Volga, all over Russia and in West Siberia.]

No one mentions any of these women [*in Germany - politically incorrect to blame the Russians for anything] when they speak in public about foreign forced laborers.  Nothing is said of their drudgery in  the woods of Siberia, in the Tundra and Taiga, in coal mines, factories and on collective farms. “They have just simply forgotten our sacrifices,” Charlotte Kaufmann complains.

On the death march to the camps of the Soviet Gulag, the captured women and children starved, and thirst tortured them. “If the guards were in a good mood,” remembers Irmgard Reimann, 77, we got a bucket of water once in a while. Many died on the transport.” The then 21 year old had fallen into the hands of the Soviet soldiers on 14 Feb. 1945, who took her as prisoner.

Just like in all wars that men start, women were carrying a bitter burden after the war. “We were the ones who were the most innocent in this terrible war, but we had to pay the penalty for the whole fatherland,” said Kaufmann, who was captured as a child and carried off to Karelien.

This is how nearly 1 Million women and girls paid for the lost war: “When I was read the
decision for my work assignment in the summer of 1948, it stated that 20 percent of our earnings will be deducted for war reparations,” said the elderly lady, Resuemee Kaufmann.  “When Hitler got into power, I was 5 years old. When the war started I was not even 10. At 16 I was taken into captivity. Where was my personal guilt?”

Terror is connected to the names of the many camp locations of the penal colonies and work camps, which is felt even today: Kopeske and Tscheljabinsk east of the Ural, Kemerowo in Siberia, Petrosawodsk/Karelien and thousands of others. That’s where they lived; that’s where they starved; where they sweated in hard labor, and that’s where they died. Young women and children! The youngest under 1000 women and under-age girls in Penal Colony 517 / Padosero was a twelve year old girl.

“In July 1948 I was able to “go home,” [*ethnic Germans (Russian citizens) who fled Russia for safety and were caught, got execution or a sentence of 10 years] but my homeland no longer existed,” said Berta Sczepan.

Forced Labor meant drudgery. The women struggled in wood clearing work, in street building, and in sawmills. At the Onegasea they build railroad tracks, froze to death constructing a channel at the Arctic Sea at -40 Degrees Celsius (-40 F). Pouring concrete, they tore their hands open, and their lungs ached in the lime distilleries. In the Donez basin and near the Ural they were forced into the coal mines.

There were also work destinations, the prisoners had to reach in open freight cars.

The 73 year old Berta Sczepan comments, “The guards traded our food ration for Vodka.”

Irmgard Reimann, 77, says: “Many of my friends died on the way to the camps behind the Ural. They Soviets just threw the dead off the railroad cars next to the tracks.

“All the years in the Siberian coal mines I was underground eight to ten hours a day and had very little to eat,” reflects Margot Gerhard, 72, on her 5-year martyrdom. Red Army soldiers kidnapped the then 16 year old end of January, 1945, in the East Prussian town of Elbing.

The Soviets forced the women to the hardest wood felling. “Just alone the foot march to the woodland to be cleared was an unbelievable exertion for us. The absolutely meager food rationing and the suffering of dysentery had weakened us very much,” comments Ursula Seiring, 76, looking back.

“Every second one of us died of Typhus or exhaustion.” (Anna Schlemminger) [*The survival rate in the labor camps was 50%.]

“Diarrhea and epidemics were the result of our life conditions.” Anna Schlemminger, 80, was kidnapped by Red Army soldiers at 24 years of age on Easter 1945 from East Prussia:
“Only in winter did we get the right clothing, when we had to shovel snow and cut wood.”

“Most of the time, our tormentors paid the income only when they felt like it, without any regularity, and frequently not at all; and often not until the third year of imprisonment.” Irmgard Reimann reports further: “For 4 weeks of hard labor in a coal mine [*they paid] only 200 Ruble [*6.66 Ruble a day]. “From that, however, they deducted for housing. And furthermore, the women had to pay for their food with such prices as 10 Ruble for a bucket of potatoes, 4 Ruble for a cup of milk, 3 Ruble for 1200 gram of bread.

“One time we unloaded coals from a rail wagon at night,” Martha Gruener, 73, remembers. “For that we received 20 Ruble.”  If they met the required norm of felled trees at the Arctic Sea, Anna Schlemminger says, she and her fellow prisoners received 700 gram of bread. If they did not make their felling quota, they only received 500 gram bread of bread and water soup.

The survivors have never forgotten their experience. “In the morning we received 125 gram of bread and tea and in the evening water soup. After that we checked each other’s heads for lice. The bed bugs bothered all of us a lot. Every night we had to line up for being counted. With the high death rate of 30 to 40 per day out of about 3,000 prisoners, the numbers never really matched up.” “Some who were completely desperate took their own lives; some of the women even drowned themselves in the toilet. We housed in earth holes under horrible hygienic conditions or in huts behind electric fences with guards ready to shoot us.”

At the end of 1950, about 300,000 forced laborers returned via Frankfurt at the Oder in the East and the lower Saxony Friedland in the West. Hundreds of thousands died or went missing. No one has exact numbers. [*This was only a fraction of the German civilian prisoners. Millions of additional German civilians went into the camps, if they were not right out executed for being a successful farmer. The Soviet Jewish government primarily hunted down ethnic Germans in Russia who were kept in camps until 1955 or even 1965, depending on whether they had another 10 years slapped on them for an additional imaginary reason. The plight of the ethnic Germans in Russia are the most hidden part of the crime as the government of Odessa, Ukraine, that committed these crimes was fully Jewish. Also they call them "Ukrainians" to hide that it was a crime against Germans.]

Compensation from the fatherland? “Retribution for Prisoners of War,” is what the law for the kidnapped civilians was called by Germany’s government. In December of 1992 the Bundestag replaced the law with “Returnee Endowment Law.” The 3 Million Deutsche Mark budget [*averages out to 10 Marks per person!!!] of the endowment was financed by tax monies.

Olga Hahn, 74 years old today, was kidnapped when she was 18 years old. According to the old war prisoner compensation law, she received 570 Mark for her martyrdom from March 1945 to July 1948. The local authorities tend to interpret the law whichever way they prefer. They paid Elfriede Klimmeck for many years of labor camp around 1000 Mark. Other women received 1320 Mark. Martha Gruener received 131 Mark as a “hold you over” compensation on her return in November 1949. Eva Martensson was handed 300 Mark and a can of condensed milk from the Citizen’s Registry in Hamburg after more than four years in the forced labor camps.

To see parallels in the Gulags in the East bloc and the labor camps in Germany were foreigners labored, as Bundeskanzler Gerhard Schroeder did, is a false interpretation of history.

The women who report this today do not do this to sow hate but to fill the blank spots with the stories of real people.


Translated from German by Teutonicaworld