Source: Ernst
Krieck - National Political Education. National Socialism, pp. 33-48. 1936.
Translated by
Daniel Zakal, 2024
The
inter-state system of Weimar is based on the liberal assumption that each
individual, on the basis of his reason and autonomy, forms a political will,
that he finds agreement with others of his kind on the basis of shared opinions,
forms a party and program, and, through discussion and a complicated electoral
process, establishes a common will and delegates it to parliament, where once
again, through discussion, compromise, and the election of the leading will,
state power and the ruling government come into being. This is a distillation
process, which, as experience has shown, ultimately deprives all substance and
willpower, not concentrating them in power but dissolving them into empty
nothingness.
It leaves behind a
grouping of political partial powers, which paralyze each other, with some
joining together in unstable party coalitions when necessary, in order to wrest
as much as possible from state power, from offices and benefits, whatever still
remains and is accessible. The state has become an object of party plunder,
powerless externally, disintegrating internally. This system has led to the
disarmament and dissolution of the German people’s strength through
organization, preventing the formation of political will and a capable state of
action. It has also divided the last remnants of historically grown power into
the mere masses and broken up individuals, transforming them into a people at
war with itself.
The German people,
in this disintegrated state, are lying powerless on the ground in the Weimar
system, weakened in health, growth, and living space, and finally driven into
bankruptcy in all areas of life, to the point that, in the end, there is little
left of the constitution itself besides the emergency Article 48 and the small
Reichswehr.
The Weimar system
is the domestic political extension of the failed system of proxies that was
aimed at the disarmament of German power.
National Socialism
is the name for the awakening German people, who are now coming to terms with
their real situation and self-awareness: a powerful freedom movement carried by
national and racial elemental forces. The name includes the principle of the
German revolution and the goal of the national community as a whole: the German
people shall become a united political entity, a self-aware body of power, and a
unified organic social structure based on the principles of social justice.
The National
Socialist movement, nourished by all German tribes, confessions, classes, and
social strata, is extremely rich in inner approaches, possibilities, and organic
tensions. It is, at first, an elemental movement, not a rational program, and
differs from the uniform proletarian movement not only in that it draws from all
classes, but it fundamentally represents a movement from the instinctual depths
of the people, which is not prematurely bound into an intellectualistic doctrine
and dogma as is the case with Talmudic Marxism, which was delivered early to
rigidity and fruitless petrification.
It must remain a
directional movement without dogmatic fixation until the revolutionary principle
driving it has led it to victory, to freedom, to new German state and national
orders. Until then, it will have to pass through many phases of its development,
adjusting to new conditions and demands – this flexibility and agility will be
its fortune. National Socialism encompasses the party, the general people’s
movement, the national youth movement, the Wehrverband (defense league), youth
organizations, followers, political freedom movements, adult people’s and racial
consciousness, social society, and economic order, national cultural
maintenance, along with their respective associations and organizations all at
once. Thus, it bears, though often in preliminary outlines, all elements and
seeds of the future national total state, the possibility for the fulfillment of
the German total task within itself.
In this, many
fruitful elements and historically formative principles emerge. Adolf Hitler’s
party is the only one that carries within it the vocation and ability to
overcome the party system – if possible through the path over the parliament.
Thus, it must, as a party, carry the possibility of transcending partisanship
and embodying national unity within itself. It cannot and should not take in all
individual members of the people, but it must grow to the point where its claim
to embody totality is proven valid, where it represents the whole, in order to
develop new state and national orders from its own inner values and approaches,
and to integrate itself into the whole. Only through this can unity of will,
from the most profound antagonism, become political power and organic totality,
from dissolution state and form of discipline.
A party, however,
will cease to be a party once it transcends itself. The people and state will
demand from the party a radical process of inner purification and resolution.
The possibility for
a party, i.e., a part, to become the whole lies in National Socialism, as it is
the vanguard of the revolutionary principle that permeates the entire people,
affecting all its members and structures, directing them toward the goal of
organic totality. Thus, the party has become a general people’s movement,
especially a youth movement. From the youth that represents the revolutionary
principle comes the German future, the new state and national order. The
nationalistic youth, with its values and alliances, already bears the preforms
of new state and national orders, the seeds of an appropriate national total
education.
The youth leagues
are the educational precursors to political and martial alliances, where
political attitude, martial spirit, and racial value systems are solidified and
utilized for the formation of a new state power and order. Through them, the
future state prepares a leading class, which, through heightened duty to state
and people, gains increased political authority. The Wehrverbände (defense
leagues) and their related or associated youth leagues are guided by national-
political education as their primary purpose. The National Socialist mass
movement finds in its defense leagues and youth leagues not only the backbone,
the forming core of the future state’s structure, but also the formative
principle of the fifth state’s political and martial side – the core of its
power structure and the preform of its political selection class. Here, above
all, race and discipline must become reality, firm in form and direction.
The current system
is founded on formless masses and parties. The party can only be overcome by the
party; the mass can only be overcome by the mass. This is the task and the path
of National Socialism. As a mass movement, it presupposes the art of mass
elevation: the mass must become fluid if it is to be shaped. The art of mass
elevation, masterfully practiced by Hitler, has not only perfected the
techniques of agitation and party leadership within the party system to their
final consequences, but has also found essentially new elements and paths for
mass leadership.
Hitler has
succeeded in tapping into an unsuspected vein of the national life and
establishing a wellspring. It is unlikely that anyone from the Weimar system and
its representatives can raise any fundamental objections to this, as their own
principles are being applied more effectively and powerfully than they ever
dared to imagine themselves, until it overcame the other parties, surpassing the
principle of the multi-party state and the party system. The constitution not
only allows the legal path to formal change under certain conditions but also
leaves open the internal possibility that one party will eliminate the others
and bring forth a state not of many parties, but of one final party. What in its
outward consequence represents the principle of the single-party state emerges
from the transformation principle: from party comes mass, from mass comes
people, from association comes state.
The more
comprehensive the National Socialist mass movement becomes, the more elements it
must incorporate, the more demands it must satisfy, the more polarities and
tensions it will develop within itself. This creates the danger of fragmentation
and the emergence of new parties from within. This is countered by the
fundamentally different principle from other parties: the principle of
comradeship, the binding to the leader, the authoritarian form of structure and
leadership. The internal tensions must be overcome in a unified form. Thus,
party and mass movement will be internally reshaped and consolidated: with the
Führer’s authority and its value system, a bond, form, firm order, discipline,
common orientation, and stance emerge – the foundation and principle of a new
education.
Closely related is
another element in the doctrine of National Socialist mass education and
leadership, which is not so easily brought into form and concept. From the
outside, this doctrine and the entire movement are primarily criticized for
their „unspirituality,“ and there is indeed a legitimate rejection and aversion
from within against the rational culture and the politically bound nature of
intellectualism, whose empty and hollow legalism dominated, for example, in the
press, in liberal discussion – the life element of liberal democracy and its
parliamentarianism. This was handled masterfully by Jewish circles but has
increasingly shown itself to be utterly fruitless and without any inner
strength: a negative, outwardly imposed life force.
Of course, the
revolutionary people’s movement had to be declared evil by the intellectuals and
liberal citizens, and also by related masters of pen and a certain „education,“
simply because it ran counter to their ways of thinking. For instance, it is
argued that National Socialism must not be compared with Marxism because it
represents the opposite, thus preventing the association of their methods of
creation and movement.
The underworld of
the soul is no more evil than the cosmos; rather, it is the refuge and womb of
all creative and generative forces, of all formless yet form- giving powers, of
all fateful movements, both life-giving and death-bringing, just as Bachofen has
revealed or at least made comprehensible to a rationalistic age through his
interpretation of myth. National Socialism draws on this wellspring of all
formative, history-making forces with its methods of mass movement and mass
arousal, allowing them to flow into the shaping urges of a newly forming world.
From this point
stems all revolutionary power, history finds its eternal source, as long as
nations carry within themselves this subterranean fountain of renewal. Arising
from revolutionary instinct, National Socialism’s agitation works not primarily
through intellectual proof or arguments but with the primal force of rhythm,
which resides on the boundary of all that is rational and irrational, and with
all that is akin to rhythm and radiates its stirring power. The chant is part of
this, as is the entire art of mastery, stirring, and leading mass gatherings.
From the same instinct, National Socialism works more with symbols and their
vivid power of expression than with rational concepts: the swastika, forms of
greeting, the Third Reich, all possess the immediate, subterranean force of
movement through symbolism. Call it romantic, primitive, chaotic – and one may
be right. But none of this proves or refutes anything; the force lies in the
movement itself, in the irrational and elemental, from which comes the shaping
power of history- making, fateful movement, without which a people would perish,
history would cease, yet from which new becoming in people and history arises.
This process is called revolution.
Because of this
origin, National Socialism is an elemental directional movement seeking its path
into a new reality through the rebirth of the race. It does not arise from
intellect like liberalism and Marxism. Thus, National Socialism is also not
party and program but a flowing, flow-making movement that will one day
culminate in new forms, order, and the nation but remains fluid as long as it
must until it has permeated all of our national living space. The becoming of
the new form of the people and its humanity will be the fulfillment, but it will
also mark the end of the movement. If this happens before the whole is brought
to form, the revolution will not be completed before its purpose has been
achieved and will end in mere reaction. Then, true German freedom and form will
not be won, and the realization of the old Western order will triumph once more:
German history would end.
In the National
Socialist art of mass arousal and mass movement, the strongest approaches,
inspirations, and elemental forces for future national and political education
can be found. An education will lead to the goal to the same extent that it can
first make a person malleable and shapeable. Malleability is not a fixed,
innate, unchangeable trait, as pedagogy usually assumes, but it is itself
subject to change, capable of increase to the extent that a person is widened,
elevated, set in motion internally through arousal, and thus raised in
receptivity, sensitivity, and malleability. In this state, elemental views,
insights, directions, and attitudes take root all the more strongly and
lastingly, becoming simpler, more powerful, and express themselves more vividly
in the streams of influences, opinions, words, and actions that flow through the
loosened channels of the soul. At the same time, in these states of ecstatically
heightened arousal, the senses become sharper, imagination expands, souls become
more fluid, and the wills of a gathered crowd merge into spiritual unity,
emotional alignment, and communal spirit. The mass becomes malleable and
shapeable in this spiritual arousal.
Here new creative
forces break in, new contents arise from the depths. Many who went to Hitler’s
rallies out of curiosity returned home converted to the people, having been
seized by elemental forces that had a more lasting effect on them than what
school could have given them. The powers of „arousal“ are not irrational, as
intellectuals might assume, but rather chaotic, unshaped, yet highly malleable
and directable elemental forces.
If the pedagogues
had truly grasped Pestalozzi – in all the massive literature about him – in the
core of his being and work and had not always reinterpreted him into the
national and intellectual, they would have recognized the forces of his
educational art, the secret of his success, as it often emerges more clearly
from the descriptions of his visitors than from his own clumsy theories and
books, in his kinship with the art of these elementary mass arousal and mass
movement forces. Pestalozzi was at heart an ecstatic, a primitive and
non-intellectual man – a man cut from the same cloth as a character from a
Dostoevsky novel, living in the century of Enlightenment. Pestalozzi invented
the method to elevate himself and his group of children to a highly charged,
highly receptive emotional state with primitive means, mostly through methods
akin to chanting, although he was completely unmusical and did not, as one might
expect, resort to musical instruments. Instead, he used rational, elementary
forms of speech, rhythm, and space. Through these means, he not only deeply
solidified and intensified the elementary impressions, but also created through
constant rhythmic repetition a receptivity and sensitivity in the desired
direction, sharpening the senses and so mechanically increasing the student’s
activity, self-reliance, and independence, not least merging the children into a
community of elevated emotional unity.
Thus, here lie the
same strong means of arousal, combined with a common orientation and shaping as
in the art of mass leadership.
The meaning and
coherence of this method in Pestalozzi’s time are entirely different than in the
National Socialist mass movement: the elements and forces of the method,
however, are the same. National Socialism seeks to awaken racial consciousness
through its method of mass arousal, directing it toward the great national goals
and political tasks, instilling a corresponding attitude in the soul of the
people. National Socialist school reformers, who will have to apply the same
thing within the framework and conditions of the school as mass leadership and
human shaping does in the broader movement, and who will build new content and
methods for the school, will find in Pestalozzi not only a much better
understanding than the subjectivist, closed-off period of school reform has
provided but will also find the means for their work in him. They will no longer
view Pestalozzi in the light of Rousseau. At the deepest level, these methods
are related to the techniques of soul shaping and soul discipline, as India has
cultivated in its yoga system and the Buddhist monasteries have developed,
although the foundations, the sense, and spirit are different.
It is instructive
to see how modern Japan has adopted and further developed the methods of
Buddhism for the purposes of its national-political power and military
discipline. These same elements are applied in the method of physical discipline
and practice and are proving effective in the disciplinary forms of the
Wehrverbände (defense leagues) and youth leagues, in physical care and exercise,
in weapons training, in training for a common will alignment and firm character
formation. Thus, the mass is simultaneously guided and prepared, the
disorganized and fragmented mass is formed inwardly and outwardly into a unified
fellowship, a tight-knit community, a defense league, a youth league, a
professional association: the mass becomes an ordered people, an organic
totality.
All education that
aims to fully grasp, align, and shape a person represents a threefold task,
defined by the three concepts of attitude, ability, and knowledge. The working
center in a person is their attitude, their formed character, disposition, firm
and reliable will. It corresponds to its own system of discipline and practice,
which is fundamental for education as a whole. However, this has been pushed
into the background or almost forgotten in recent periods of Western culture
with its predominant emphasis on the rational and technical.
Certainly, it is
possible to some extent to influence attitude and disposition through the
schooling of technical abilities and through intellectually stimulating,
predominantly rational instruction, as these two can influence and support each
other. However, the center remains weak. At the beginning of a new epoch in
history and culture, the revolutionary principle leads to the necessity of an
immediate, direct discipline and shaping of humanity toward its racial order,
goals, and tasks. This will provide the solid foundation and supporting backbone
for the training of abilities and the acquisition of knowledge and worldview.
Training systems for spiritual attitude, disposition, character, and direction
are as necessary as the monastery for discipline, as are the barracks, the
church like the state, the soldier as much as the craftsman. In the West, the
Jesuits have shaped their system of exercises based on monastic life and ideals,
developing a strict system of discipline.
Through such a
system of exercises, not only are the capacities and possibilities awakened and
inspired within people to carry out their tasks for the nation, but it also
leads to a firm alignment, a purposeful attitude, and formative shaping. A
typical and uniform attitude and direction in a group of people creates the
basis for their unification into a corresponding order and organization: inner
community and solidarity arise, from scattered aims come unity, from
individuals, organic unity and strength. National Socialism thus takes the
instincts of its leader into application, using elemental forces and methods of
mass arousal and movement to build a general system of discipline, a system of
exercises, which, as a whole, shapes the nation.
The people and the
individual members of the nation must awaken racial values; racial traits and
racial consciousness must be fully developed. This does not only shape
individual members of the people but also elevates the national consciousness,
thereby solidifying the communal bonds: from mass comes the people, from the
people comes a racially conscious nation with unified power, with a unified
political attitude and direction of will.
The method will
only work where it meets the necessary conditions in the innate tendencies of
the people. A discipline system aimed at developing inherent racial
characteristics into political attitudes and national character will achieve its
highest fulfillment only where the inherent racial values of purity and strength
exist. In individuals of other races, it will be less effective or entirely
fruitless. The stages of its effect create a hierarchy of humanity. This shows
the way to selection of the leading, the state-carrying class, and thus a
stratification of the people according to achievements, attitudes, and racial
merit can occur: from the moving mass, people, nation, and state are formed.
The general method
of discipline and selection finds its application, along with its adaptation to
the respective special goals in army and defense associations, in political
fighting leagues and their affiliated youth leagues, in student organizations,
in professional associations, in schools of all levels and types. Thus, unity is
established in the diversity of members, functions, bodies, and organizations,
creating an organic whole.
National Socialism:
The name encompasses the content, direction, and meaning of the movement.
Through socialism, nationalism gains new substance, while socialism, through
nationalism, gains the direction and possibility of realization. National
Socialism expresses the revolutionary principle and thus directs attention to
the total task set before us by fate, history, and necessity – according to
racial, national-political, state-building, social, cultural, and educational
aspects: all of this is encompassed by the symbolic name of the movement in its
totality.
Socialism means the
integration of individuals, along with their attitudes, abilities, and actions,
especially their conscience, into the community: the individual becomes a
conscious member of a greater whole of life, which manifests itself for us as
the German people. The people are the natural historical living space in which
every individual finds everything they need for their existence and development.
The nature of one’s membership, the place of one’s belonging, determines one’s
path in life, one’s tasks, one’s position in the whole, and thereby also the way
in which one attains personal maturity and fulfillment: attitude, ability, and
knowledge are typically inherent in this membership.
All of this can be
realized, deepened, or embodied by the individual according to their personal
law, but in their way of life and direction, the individual is ultimately
determined by the whole. The people also represent the entire living space,
within which all the necessary functions and tasks for its members are created
and fulfilled. Here, language, religion, law, economy, politics, art, culture,
education, and schools find their nurturing ground, their content, and meaning.
If this consciousness of the whole permeates the individual’s membership,
shaping their attitude, disposition, and worldview, while directing the life
order, then organic socialism is realized.
National Socialism
ultimately aims for the German people to regain the free living space necessary
for its growth and unfolding so that all members can secure the necessary share
of space, land, and the means for existence and development. For the time being,
we must adapt to the available space as best as we can to generate new national
strength. In any case, an order of society, economy, and law based on the
principle of social justice and organic reciprocity is demanded within the
membership. Each individual and corporative member of the people is equally
vital for the health, growth, strength, and power of the people, which is why
everyone must be guaranteed their space and their right to life. In this space,
there is no political equality for everyone, but rather social rights according
to the necessary achievement of each.
Certainly, the
state is not a welfare institution for the people, but the expression and organ
of its collective will, a shaper and leader of its political power. A
politically powerful people can only be a socially healthy people: if the
well-being, strength, and power of the whole are to be secured, then the members
must have the opportunity for their own development in order to fulfill their
tasks within the whole and thereby their own existence.
The German lack of
freedom since Versailles is primarily manifested in the closure and restriction
of living space for the German people: a people without space. This distress,
combined with the internal dissolution, has inevitably led to the collapse of
the capitalist economic system with its hardship. This makes the strict
reshaping of the available living space, the social distribution of life’s
possibilities in the sense of an emergency socialism, doubly necessary.
This is not about
establishing a program for a German socialism. However, if the task of the
corresponding education is at least to be outlined in broad terms, the social
form of life must be examined in its essential aspects.
If it is demanded
of the individual that they serve the whole and find their personal fulfillment
in this, and that they, under certain circumstances, must sacrifice themselves
for the whole, then the whole must in turn provide for all its members and grant
each individual their right and share in life. Only in healthy members can the
strength of the whole have its foundation. The state, as the organ of the will
of the people, as the expression of its unified power, is the master of society
and the organizer of the economy in the sense of organic justice. The economy
itself must be reshaped to serve the whole, so that all members can find their
livelihood and also space to develop their life’s potential. Merely providing
for those who can no longer obtain work and livelihood in a disorganized economy
will only keep the body of the people open to wounds. Only when a socially just,
orderly national economy offers space for all willing workers can the principle
be upheld: those who do not work, shall not eat. In an emergency, there is no
other choice but for the state to ensure that everyone in the constrained
economic system finds work and sustenance.
The state is the
regulator and overseer of the economy, but not its executive organ: the
nationalization of property and the economy is to be rejected. The state should
only take direct control of those sectors of the economy that naturally have
regulatory but not productive functions: such as monetary and credit systems,
insurance systems, and so on. Other regulatory factors in the hands of the state
are taxes and tariffs, control and planned regulation of imports and exports, as
well as monetary and credit transactions, both abroad and domestically. Due to
the collapse of the global economy and world markets, the national economy must,
by necessity, become self-sufficient: it primarily has to satisfy internal
needs, with the state regulating these needs and organizing and distributing
economic outcomes according to a plan. The tasks of production are distributed
among producers, but this is done through self-governing associations.
The executive
organs of the economy are primarily the corporative bodies of trades and
economic sectors, self-administrative bodies that manage their tasks
cooperatively under state supervision in their respective fields. This means
that the entire economic society is regulated, but not the ownership of the
means of production: no individual worker or professional becomes a state
official, no economic production becomes a function of a state-run
administration, but rather every individual is a member of their professional
and economic organization and is thus a member of the state’s corporative body.
Additionally, they are rooted in their own property and land.
Economic activity,
however, becomes a public service with public obligations, balanced by
corresponding rights: not the right to enrich oneself at the expense of others
or to secure a share of the national wealth through the rules of economic
plundering, but rather the right to a fair share of property, land, income, and
sustenance according to one’s contribution. The public professional association
oversees each of its members in their duties and obligations, protects them in
their rights; the association is responsible for the fulfillment of the economic
tasks assigned to it, but also for ensuring social justice in the distribution
of work and opportunities for profit, in the social design of the economic
living space. The association represents the whole in relation to the members
and also represents the rights of its members within the whole.
„National Economy“
only exists when the economy is bound to the national living space and adjusted
to its purposes; when the economy becomes a source of national strength and
national health. Every public occupational and economic association – there will
no longer be any private economic society in the national community – is a type
of occupational person, a derivative of the national human type: it corresponds
to the association and its content with its own attitude, disposition, honor, a
way of life, a corresponding typical ability, and a specific education with a
worldview tailored to its members – not as though they represent a world unto
themselves within their association, but rather as part of their membership and
service to the national whole.
Therefore, each
association is also a system of discipline for the humanity it represents: it
has its own attitude, its own methods for the discipline of behavior, for
training in skills, and for the education of a corresponding worldview. Self-
administration includes its own judicial system with arbitration and honor
courts, as well as its own disciplinary and educational system. In all of this,
the association is only a special-purpose representation of the national whole.
One could debate the function of the guilds in the Middle Ages, whether their
ultimate purpose and essential meaning were truly economic in the narrow sense,
or whether they were much more the organic integration of a sound occupational
and economic discipline of a sturdy national humanity.
The corporate order
of the national state will no longer organize individual associations as
city-states but rather align them with a broad national community: as its
economic function is aligned with this great life whole, so too is its form of
discipline, its professional training, and education within the whole, along
with its special-value system, its methods, its spiritual content, and its
direction as a professional extension of the national whole with its values and
goals. The association finds its meaning and fulfillment within the whole.
Each association
has the form and methods of the whole in place and works to meet the needs and
demands of the whole according to its own laws. Therefore, it develops its
system of discipline, its professional and market needs, brings its demands to
the public vocational school system, supervises its members in terms of
attitude, disposition, and honor, and integrates its youth into its ranks
through education. Already, today, the professional associations affiliated with
the National Socialist movement align their content and direction with the
entire movement according to their vocational specialties and create an organic
connection between the whole and the associations.
Regarding the
political and social side of the overall task that National Socialism, as the
bearer of the revolutionary principle, must fulfill, the creation of a new
culture comes third. This task is certainly extensive, and its fulfillment may
still be distant, perhaps only reaching its true phase when the movement is near
victory. At that point, not only new political and social forms but also the
driving values, the substance of spiritual goods, can be brought to expression,
raised into a shared worldview. It is appropriate to the content and goal of the
National Socialist movement to build a worldview through new creations in the
fields of literature and art, science and philosophy, which will play an
important role in the fulfillment of our time’s assigned overall task – victory
for the revolutionary principle.
The beginnings of
this already exist, but one must be cautious about overestimating them: proper
attitudes and good intentions alone are not sufficient currency. The fact that
political leadership takes precedence in fulfilling the great task, with its
decisive role, lies in the fact that the cultural function in the narrower sense
does not currently hold the center of action and may therefore initially lag
behind in its achievements.
The beginning of a
new culture has not commenced with a revolutionary break and upheaval, as it has
in politics. This is the preparatory phase of sorting and gathering: from the
cultural heritage, one must choose what serves the leading racial values, what
serves the national and political tasks. In doing so, the groundwork is laid for
a new worldview and for the proper foundation of a new education system.
Furthermore, the battle must be fought against the flood of alien and racially
foreign products, which, since the collapse, threaten to overwhelm and suffocate
us in the wake of everything else. All such goods, whether imports or
domestically produced, must be critically examined.
The spiritual
atmosphere over a world in dissolution is oppressive and stifling. What emanates
from the grand department stores of urban culture over the nation reeks of decay
and corruption. The influence of racially foreign elements has taken control of
newspapers, theaters, publishing houses, films, and increasingly also schools
and universities, with the goal of suppressing Germanness, spreading confusion,
and distracting from the truth, thus complementing the political system of
dependence with a corresponding „culture.“ A clever literature, predominantly of
Jewish origin, completes the political task of the transitional empire on the
intellectual front. Until the awakening of racial and national instincts in
National Socialism, even the so-called „national“ press has either completely
succumbed to these forces of dissolution or, despite good intentions, has been
utterly helpless in confronting the situation. As a result, the few creative
forces of the race and an emerging national consciousness in literature, art,
science, and philosophy have found little resonance or strength.
However, the dawn
of a new day for the German people is breaking: with Hans Grimm’s Volk ohne Raum
(„A People without Space“), a vision of German humanity, German race, and German
politics, German values, and worldview emerges. That this book achieved
resounding success is a sign of the impending breakthrough of a German-folkish
culture. And yet, Grimm, through the last generation, has only led us to the
threshold of the German revolution. Here, however, literature, art, science, and
philosophy set a great example, as they all contribute to the creation of
images, to self-knowledge, to national and racial consciousness, and to
collaborating on the German national task.
All creative minds
are called upon to recognize the substance, the values, the forces in motion,
the urgency, and the pressing youth of this era in a realistic manner and to
elevate these realities with insight, thus creating a worldview and educational
asset that can serve as the foundation and living content of future German
education and schools. In this new worldview, the German revolution will find
its completion.
