Saturday, 16 November 2013

Naumann’s Challenge





Werner Naumann joined the NSDAP in 1928 at the age of nineteen. He quickly became a trusted lieutenant of the Party’s most brilliant propagandists, Dr. Joseph Goebbels. At first Goebbels sent him abroad on various journalistic assignments, which he dutifully carried out with great skill. Then in1937 he was appointed head of the Propaganda Minister’s personal office, and seven years later he was promoted to State Secretary of the Ministry. In this capacity he served as Goebbels’ right hand man and his most valued advisor and personal deputy. Handsome, charming and brilliant, Naumann was respected and well-liked by the other leaders of the National Socialist government. During the war he served in the Waffen SS on the French, Greek and Russian fronts. For his bravery in combat, he was promoted to SS-Sturmbahnführer.

Being Goebbels’ deputy granted him the supreme privilege of personal contact with the Führer. Hitler was fond of Naumann and considered him to be one of the best representatives of the National Socialist regime. In turn, Naumann was devoted to the Führer and remained by his side until the very end in the Berlin bunker.

In his Political Testament of April 1945, the Führer named Naumann to be Goebbels’ successor in the new National Socialist government headed by Grand Admiral Dönitz. Naumann remained in the bunker until the last minute. He was the last person to talk to Goebbels and his wife before they committed suicide on May 1, 1945. About an hour later, Naumann left the bunker accompanied by Hitler’s Deputy Martin Bormann and the Youth Leader Artur Axmann.

Naumann was captured by the Russians and sent to a POW camp in the Soviet occupation zone. The Russians guarding him had no idea that he was Goebbels’ deputy. Therefore, he was not treated like a wanted „war criminal“ or even interrogated. In the spring of 1946, he managed to escape from Eastern Germany and out of the hands of the bloodthirsty Bolsheviks. He lived in Tübingen for a short time, working as a farm hand. Then he took a job as a bricklayer in Frankfurt.

In 1950 Naumann moved to Düsseldorf, where he worked for an import-export firm owned by an old party comrade. He carried out his daily duties in his usual efficient manner, but he never gave up hopes of resuming his National Socialist career. Then glorious images of Hitler, Goebbels and the halcyon years of the Third Reich were etched in his memory. He had always been a fanatical National Socialist and a devoted follower of the Führer, whom he looked upon as a God-like figure. He was determined to remain faithful to his dead comrades and never to betray their exalted memories, like so many others were doing. He looked on in horrified disbelief as his fatherland was occupied by a horde of uniformed Bolsheviks, mongrels, Indians, Jews, niggers and other assorted filth. He vowed to do everything in his power to liberate his country from the dark forces of international Jewry

During his years as Goebbels’ secretary, Naumann had traveled all over the Reich. He knew almost every major (and minor) personality in the National Socialist government. Most of them respected and trusted him as a man of integrity. Now a few of these old fighters looked upon him as their new Führer. A small group of these die-hards met secretly with Naumann at a clandestine gathering in Düsseldorf and urged him to become the leader of the second generation of National Socialists. Naumann did not hesitate for long. He agreed to take on the responsibilities of leadership.

During the next two years Naumann traveled all over West Germany in a fever of secret political activity. He met with dozens of old party comrades and former SS members. He went to Italy, France and Belgium to forge ties with clandestine National Socialist and Fascist groups. Sir Oswald Mosley invited him to his home in Paris to meet with important NS leaders from several different countries. After hearing him speak, all of the foreigners were convinced that if a National Socialist renaissance was to take place in Germany, Werner Naumann was the man to lead it.

Important German Nazis such as the great tank commander Heinz Guderian and the former Minister of Economics Hjalmar Schacht rallied behind Naumann. Former Youth Leader Artur Axmann and leading propagandist Hans Fritsche gave their support to Naumann as well. His circle of friends and supporters was growing larger everyday. By the end of 1950 the circle had become a vast network of National Socialist revolutionaries that stretched all across Germany.

Naumann’s master plan was to create a cadre of dedicated and fanatical Nazis who would infiltrate the existing „democratic“ political parties, maneuvering their way into positions of power and influence until they were strong enough to take over and reveal themselves. Naumann’s first target for Nazification was the Free Democratic Party (FPD). Two prominent members of this party, Ernst Achenbach and Wolfgang Diewerge, were fanatical Nazis and secret supporters of Naumann. They began to feed him important, high-level information about the FDP and to maneuver their NS comrades into positions of authority.

Another plan that Neumann and his friends put into action was the Nazi infiltration of certain civic organizations, veterans’ clubs and special interest groups. Naumann was convinced that if the Nazis were ever going to regain their lost power and liberate the fatherland, they would have to do it through stealth and guile. To this end, he always urged his supporters to restrain themselves and wait until the seeds were planted, cultivated and ready to harvest before making any overt moves. Naumann was a patient and cautious man by nature - the perfect type of man to lead a clandestine revolutionary movement. He told one bull-headed follower who refused to keep his mouth shut: „It is dangerous to tell the world that though they may think we are dead, we actually are already here again. Next time, let us proceed more skillfully, and then I shall be only too pleased to assist you.“

At the end of 1951 Naumann organized the famous circle of friends and comrades that became known as the „Gauleiterkreis“. Every Wednesday evening of every month this group would hold secret meetings in one or another Düsseldorf hotel. The members included former Gauleiters Karl Florian, Hosef Grohe, Paul Wegener and Karl Kauffmann; SS-Major Paul Zimmermann; former Minister of Culture Dr. Gustav Scheel, and several other important Third Reich personalities. One of them, Heidrich Haselmayer, was an old fighter who had participated in Hitler’s Munich Putsch of 1923.

At these secret meetings of the „neo-Nazi elite“, Naumann outlined his plans for the future. He told those assembled that a premature attempt to seize power would be suicidal, He was ardently opposed to violence of any kind and believed that its use would be completely self-defeating. He did not think that the time was ripe for the creation of a new political party devoted to National Socialist principles. „There is enough to be done without launching a new party. We cannot simultaneously prepare the soil, sow and reap. Let us take care of the soil first.“

Naumann and his associates continued to meet, talk and organize for the next year. They established secret cells of like-minded National Socialists in several German cities and forged alliances with other clandestine revolutionary groups throughout the fatherland. One of these secret societies was called the German Free Corps. Formed in Hamburg on August 17, 1951, this National Socialist group was made up of former SS members, NSDAP officials and war veterans. The dominating personality was Colonel Hans-Ulrich Rudel,. Members swore to live according to the twenty-five points of the NSDAP program and considered Grand Admiral Dönitz the legal head of the German state. Eventually some 2,000 men would hold membership in this secret army.

Naumann’s creation of the Gauleiterkreis and his association with paramilitary groups like the Free Corps brought him to the attention of British intelligence agents. These Jewish-paid maggots began to follow Naumann and his friends wherever they went, listen to their phone conversations and intercept their mail. On January 13, 1953 Naumann, Scheel, Haselmayer, Zimmermann and several other National Socialist leaders were arrested by the British High Commissioner Ivone Kirkpatrick. A month later the German Free Corps was broken up by the occupation forces, and Kirkpatrick told the world that he had crushed a neo-Nazi plot to overthrow the Bonn government.

Hundreds of documents and papers were taken from Naumann’s home, but nothing was found to prove that Naumann was the secret leader of a vast conspiracy as Kirkpatrick was claiming. For seven months Naumann was locked in a prison cell while the British and their German puppets in Bonn attempted to build a case against him. Finally on July 28, 1953 Naumann was released from prison. The Bonn traitors were unable to prove anything.

Naumann was a free man once again, but the Gauleiterkreis had been broken up. Many of his secret supporters and financial backers began to drift away after deciding that contact with Naumann was too dangerous. The Nazification of the Free Democratic Party was brought to an abrupt halt when Achenbach and the other secret Nazis were expelled from its ranks. Naumann was disappointed by the sudden wave of misfortune, but he was determined to continue the fight.

He decided to take advantage of his publicity surrounding his arrest and imprisonment by openly running for political office. Adolf von Thadden, the young chairman of the ultra-nationalist German Reich Party, agreed to put Naumann and Hans Rudel at the head of his party’s ticket. The two National Socialist leaders campaigned with great energy and enthusiasm during the month of August. Thousands of German patriots were moved by their heroic crusade against Jewish tyranny and oppression. The Bonn treason regime was so alarmed by Naumann’s growing popularity that it decided to put an end to his campaign. He was stripped of all of his civil rights and his name stricken from the ballot. A few days later Naumann was visited buy some sinister figures who told him to cease all political activity or die!

Werner Naumann withdrew from the political scene in September 1954 and devoted his time, energy and talent to private business. His heroic attempt to create a Fourth Reich had failed. But the seeds of National Socialist revolution that he had planted were to bear fruit in later years. The legacy of Werner Naumann can be felt all over present-day Germany. Their holy mission is the same as Naumann’s – the restoration of a National Socialist government in Germany and the liberation of Europe and the world from the malignant and evil forces of international Jewry! 

Heil Hitler!

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