(Article
published in Völkischer Beobachter)
Berlin,
December 7, 1939
In the context of the crisis between Sovet-Russia and Finland, which has now
evolved into an open conflict, numerous parties, above all the kitchen of lies (Lugenkuche)
of British and French official and editorial cabinets, have attempted to
implicate Germany in the events to the North. They maintain that Germany is
violating its apparently self-evident obligation to help Finland, a country to
which it is tied by a multitude of bonds. In the face of such malicious as well
as foolish and-politically speaking-childish insinuations, it appears necessary
to subject to critical scrutiny the relations between Germany and the Northern
countries during the past twenty years.
Beyond all doubt, the Nordic peoples have always occupied a special place
in the hearts of Germans for historical and sentimental reasons. This love,
however, has become increasingly one-sided in the course of the past twenty
years. The German Reich in its position of power has always been a natural
friend of Nordic interests. It has remained true to this principle throughout
its entire history. Countless instances have evidenced this favorable
predisposition to the small Nordic States. And as, at the end of the World War,
the German Reich was left in a position of impotence due to the broken promises
of the Allies which left it the defenseless and helpless prey of the unjust and
excessive demands of the so-called victorious powers, Berlin counted less on
the active assistance of the Nordic countries (they were not in a position to
render it), but, at the very least, on their sympathy and moral support for the
unfortunate German Volk.
The opposite, however, occurred. In these years so bitter for Germany, not
one of these countries has thrown its weight on the scale to balance the
dreadful injustice done to the German Volk.
Any reasonable person must have known at the time that, sooner or later,
this injustice would result in retaliation. It was clear that this would cause
great upheaval in the world, if it was not possible to obtain a timely
revision.
However, instead of moving in this direction, the Nordic states were from
the beginning the most loyal adherents and defenders of the Geneva League of
Nations, whose entire structure aimed at nothing but the eternal repression of
Germany.
The Nordic states remained loyal to the League of Nations even at a time
when its true role as the executor of Versailles and the preserver of the
status quo must have been clear to even the most naive of political minds. In
vain Germany awaited a sign of sympathy, some form of tangible moral support.
Either one was too uninterested at the time or too involved in the endless,
dry and exhausting ideological discussions within the framework of the debating
club of Geneva. The Nordic states increasingly got on the political track of
England.
And as National Socialism rose to power in Germany and the German Volk,
under the leadership of Adolf Hitler, began to shake off its shackles, the
majority of the press in the North did not rejoice and welcome this event, but
rather subjected to savage criticism nearly every step made toward German
independence and every deed dedicated to an elimination of the Treaty of
Versailles. In the name of humanity, in the name of liberalism and democracy,
Germany was brought into disrepute, reviled, and boycotted economically.
Barely a day passed without one move or another in German politics being
impudently and insultingly criticized by countless papers in the Nordic states.
Every statement by the Third Reich was interpreted to its detriment, which
was accompanied in the papers by truly incomprehensible attacks. This
systematic rejection of everything emanating from the Third Reich reached so
far into the leading circles that the German side was often forced to resort to
official channels in order to counter this unbearable state of affairs. The
consequences of this systematic campaign against Germany in the Nordic states
crystallized when, in the course of this year, Germany declared its willingness
to enter into a series of non-aggression pacts with them. While pacts with
Denmark and the Baltic States were concluded, Sweden, Norway, and Finland
showed no interest.
Sweden and Norway declared their lack of interest as a matter of principle.
Finland, however, declined conclusion of a non-aggression pact with the German
Reich, although Germany would not have been the first country with which
Finland had entered into such a pact. While, at the time, this Finnish stand
was incomprehensible to Germany’s leading political circles, the experiences
since then have taught us that the notion is assuredly not mistaken that
English warmongers largely influenced the Finnish decision. This speculation
has been reinforced by the fact that England, through the offices of other
Scandinavian politicians, has established a web of vibrant ties to Helsinki.
These countries thus revealed that, in spite of repeated assurances of
neutrality, they actually placed less stock in a determined and symmetrical
preservation of peace in relation to all sides, than in the hope for the
political predominance of the one side with which they sympathize so greatly,
though assuredly not for reasons of neutrality.
In this context, it was characteristic of this peculiar understanding of
neutrality by the Nordic states that it was the Scandinavia countries which
accorded the Valencia Government recognition and moral support not only until
the end, but up to a point when this government had already ceased to exist.
They continued to withhold long-overdue recognition from Franco even at a time
when any further delay could only be interpreted as unilateral partisanship
against Franco, Italy, and Germany.
And since the outbreak of the war with the Western Powers, the Nordic countries
have not changed their stance. Rather Germany, which has no differences with
them and which has always stood up for their interests in the course of its
history, had to experience once more that it was precisely the states of the
North whose press and actions demonstrated anything but a benign comportment
toward German concerns. Every country is entitled to distribute its sympathies
as it sees fit.
Then, however, this country should not complain that it is not receiving
its due in terms of sympathy-sympathy which others have been waiting for years
to receive from it.
This present war has been forced on the German Volk by the British
warmongers who, last but not least, have received the support of Scandinavian
journalists and politicians. It is both naive and sentimental to expect the
German Volk to push aside its struggle for its future in order to immediately
rush to the side of all the small states which previously could not get enough
of disparaging and denigrating Germany. For years, the Reich has met with cool
indifference, with haughty disapproval, and with often ill-concealed hostility.
“Wie man in den Wald hineinruft, so schallt es auch wieder hinaus.” (As one shouts into the forest, so it echoes back.) The German Reich is well aware of the obligations gratitude and loyalty
entail. Still, its friendship is not to be found lying about in the streets
where, if he feels like it, anyone can come back to pick it up again once he
has refused it.
The German Reich is loyal to those who are loyal to it. The German Reich
stands by those who stand by it. The German Reich benefits those who benefit
it. The German Volk has nothing against the Finnish people. On the contrary,
the German Volk harbors no animosity against the peoples of the North. The hope
remains that, one day, the masters of all destinies of our Northern neighbors
will reflect thereupon an ask themselves whether it was truly wise to lend an
ear, in the past years, to the whispering of the English warmongers and
apostles of the League of Nations, or whether it would not have been better to
lend visible expression to their peoples’ natural interest in friendship with
Germany.
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