Berlin, August 27, 1939
Dear Mr.
Minister-President!
I
understand the reservations that you express. I, too, have never overlooked the
great responsibility that is placed upon those who are put over the fate of the
folks. As an old front soldier, I know, like you, the horrors of war. From this
orientation and knowledge, I have also honestly striven to eliminate all
conflict matter between both our folks.
I
once quite openly assured the French folk that the return of the Saar region
would be the prerequisite for it. After this return, I immediately solemnly reinforced
my renunciation of any further claims that could touch France. The German folk
has supported this standpoint of mine. As you could convince yourself during
your last visit here, it felt and feels no rancor or hatred in the awareness of
its own bearing against the former valiant opponent. The pacification of our
western border led to increasing sympathy, at any rate, on the side of the
German folk, a sympathy that on many occasions showed itself downright
demonstratively. The construction of the great western fortification, which
devoured and devours numerous billions, simultaneously represents for Germany a
document in the acceptance and setting down of the final Reich border. The
German folk has thereby renounced two provinces which one belonged to the old
German Reich, were later conquered again with much blood and were finally
defended with even more blood.
The
renunciation, as you must admit to me, your Excellency, not a tactical,
outwardly displayed bearing, rather a decision that experienced its logical
hardening in all our measures. You will not be able to relate to me a single
case, Mr. Minister-President, in which we violated this permanent fixing of the
German Reich order in the west through a single line or a single speech. I
believed I had, through this renunciation and through this bearing, eliminated
any conceivable conflict matter between both our folks, which would be able to
lead to a repetition of the tragedy of 1914/18.
This
voluntary limitation of German life claims in the west, however, cannot be
interpreted as an acceptance of the Versailles Dictate in all other areas as
well.
I
have now really tried year after year to achieve the revision of at least the
most impossible and most unbearable decrees of this dictate along the path of
negotiation. This was impossible. That the revision had to come, was known and
clear to numerous insightful men from all folks. Whatever one can bring against
my method, whatever one believes one must hold against it, it must not be
overlooked or disputed that it was made possible for me, in many cases, to
find, without new blood-letting, solutions satisfying not only for Germany,
rather, that through the manner of proceeding, I freed the statesmen of other
lands from the obligation, often impossible for them, to have to take
responsibility for this revision before their own folks; for anyway, your
Excellency will have to admit one thing to me: The revision had to come. The
Versailles Dictate was unbearable. No Frenchman of honor, not even you, Mr. Daladier,
would have acted differently than I in a similar situation. I have now also
tried in this sense to remove from the world the most unreasonable measure of
the Versailles Dictate.
I
have made an offer to the Polish government at which the German folk is
shocked. No other than I could have dared it at all to set before the public
with such an offer. Hence it could also be one time only. I am now deeply
convinced that, if, especially from England, back then, instead of releasing a
wild campaign against Germany in the press, inserting rumors of a German
mobilization, Poland had been somehow urged to be reasonable, Europe could
today and for 25 years enjoy the state of deepest peace. But first Polish
public opinion was incited through the lie of German aggression, its own
necessary clear decisions were made more difficult for the Polish government,
and, above, then the view for the boundary of real possibilities was blurred
through the then following guarantee promise.
The
Polish government rejected the proposals. Polish public opinion, in the sure
conviction that, after all, England and France would now fight for Poland,
began to raise demands that one would perhaps be able to characterize as
ridiculous insanity, if they were not so infinitely dangerous. Back then, am
unbearable terror set in, a physical and economic harassment of the Germans
numbering more than one and a half million in the regions separated from the
Reich. I do not want to speak here about the atrocities that occurred. Solely
that Danzig as well was increasingly made aware through the continued excesses
of Polish authorities that it had apparently been surrendered beyond rescue to
the arbitrariness of a power alien to the national character of the city and
populace.
May
I now allow myself the question, Mr. Daladier, how you as Frenchman would act,
if, through whatever unfortunate outcome of a valiant struggle, one of your
provinces had been cut off through a corridor occupied by a foreign power, a
large city - say Marseille - was prevented from affirming France, and the
Frenchmen living in this region were now persecuted, beaten, mistreated, yes,
murdered in a bestial manner?
You
are a Frenchman, Mr. Daladier, and I hence know how you would act. I am a
German, Mr. Daladier. Do not doubt my feeling of honor and my consciousness of
duty to act exactly so. If you now had this misfortune, which we possess, would
you then, Mr. Daladier, understand, if Germany without any reason would stand
up for it that the corridor through France remains, that the robbed regions not
be allowed to return, and that Marseille’s return to France be banned?
At
any rate, I cannot imagine, Mr. Daladier, that Germany would fight against you
for this reason. For I and all of us have renounced Alsace-Lorraine in order to
avoid further bloodletting; all the less so would we shed blood in order to
maintain an injustice that would have to be unbearable for you, just as it
would be meaningless for us.
Everything
that you write in your letter, Mr. Daladier, I feel exactly like you. Perhaps
precisely we as old front soldiers can most easily understand each other in
many areas; solely, I ask you, understand this as well: That it is impossible
for a nation of honor to renounce almost two million people and to see them mistreated
on its own borders.
I
have hence raised a clear demand: Danzig and the corridor must return to
Germany. The Macedonian conditions on our eastern border must be eliminated. I
see no way to be able to move Poland, which, after all, now feels itself
unassailable under the protection of its guarantees, to a peaceful solution
here. But I would despair of my folk’s honorable future, if under such
circumstances we were not determined to solve the question one way or another.
If fate thereby now again forces both our folks to combat, then there would
still be a difference in the motives. I, Mr. Daladier, then fight for my folk
for the correction of an injustice, and the others for the maintaining of the
same. This is all the more tragic as many of the important men of your own folk
have likewise recognized the senselessness of the solution back then as well as
the impossibility of its permanent upholding. I am clear about the grave
consequences that such a conflict brings with it. But I believe Poland would
have to bear the gravest ones, for regardless of how a war over this question
would turn out, the Polish state of today would be lost one way or another.
But
that we should now allow both our folks to enter into a new bloody war of
annihilation for this, is no only for you, rather also for me, Mr. Daladier,
very painful. But as already noted, I see no possibility from us to be able to
influence Po-land in a more reasonable sense for the correction of a situation
that is unbearable for the German folk and the German Reich.
Adolf Hitler.
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