by Gunther d’Alquen, 1937
When the old National Socialists look back on the early years of the struggle, they see a beautiful picture of a true community. Unencumbered, the men of that time, who were of one mind, had come together and created a community such as the world has rarely seen. Despite the lack of external organisation, these men formed an incredibly strong force.
They accomplished great things that took on an almost mystical dimension, expressing the loyalty of the Germanic troop, and culminating in the supreme sacrifice. We see that this strength of the Movement comes directly from this voluntary fusion which nevertheless allows the individual to exist as a personality and thus to be an independent fighter.
This community of fighters was the first to give strength to the Movement. It is a matter of nurturing it in the future and of ensuring that, in an age when the Movement should use violence, there is never a danger of the community degenerating into a collective. For never can the organised mass gathering, by destroying the values of personality in the natural man, increase his strength.
On the contrary, a good dose of violence is needed to hold together such a fundamentally non-German formation. Anything that destroys the personality for the benefit of a mass is not German, and anyone who thinks only in terms of the mass does so in a Bolshevist way and must eventually come to that idea which a Marxist once expressed when he preferred “to be wrong with the mass than to be right as an individual”.
But every community is spiritually based on the old Marxist fallacy of the equality of all men. This is not the case in nature. On the contrary, men are unequal. Some are good, some are bad, some are honest, some are dishonest, some are tall, some are short, some are fat, some are skinny. The spiritual defenders of the community were always faced with a desperate struggle, made all the more difficult by the fact that they had to constantly deny manifest reality.
There is no doubt that, apart from those who, as conscious enemies of National Socialism, defend the old error of equality, all those who, by nature and character, cannot understand National Socialism analogously are likely to act unconsciously in a collectivist spirit.
This type of man is both dangerous and comical when, in defence of the old Marxist egalitarian theory, he introduces the National Socialist notion of community, and suspects of professing class struggle anyone who notes that in a people there are intelligent people and their opposite.
No, it has nothing to do with a division of the people, for these are simply natural facts. But our old National Socialist view of the “decisive minority” is just as much a political translation of these natural facts as the “to each his own” demand that has always opposed National Socialism to the Marxist slogan “all equal”.
A fundamental distinction between community and collectivity is also manifested in leadership. The community naturally and necessarily has a leader who holds power over the souls and hearts of his fellows. The despot of a community is the supreme master of the bodies of individuals. His position is based on fear, whereas the leader of a community is driven by the love of the men who follow him voluntarily.
It is no coincidence that real leaders see themselves as the servants of their community because of their wisdom and sense of human superiority. Frederick the Great saw himself as ‘the first servant of the state’. Adolf Hitler saw himself as the ‘agent of the nation’, and the Führer’s representative drew the attention of the political leaders at the swearing-in ceremony to their task of being the servants of the people’s community.
We thus see that the supporters of the community see their ideal in ‘domination’. Through their sense of human inadequacy, they fall into the other excess and are as despotic towards their subordinates as they feign submission to the higher echelons. They do not know that the leader must have a superior faculty of understanding, but above all that superiority of soul and strength of heart of which Fichte tells us that it is these that bring victory.
Moreover, it can be seen that the head of a community calls to him the most capable and qualified men, and that the head of a community naturally has no need of independent collaborators, but only of creatures who are his blind instruments and who must constantly assure him of his worth. Thus it is clear what monstrous danger, arising from collectivist thought, could directly threaten our people in the time of their rebirth.
Here, too, the National Socialist Movement has given the nation a principle of inestimable value by presaging in exemplary form the notion of a community of loyal fellow workers. In this way it has set an example for all time of the true pooling of forces and has clearly rejected all collectivist ideas.
But the old soldiers of the Movement will never admit that the powerful human masses of our demonstrations and organisations can be wrongly regarded as a reign of the man-mass, and that the National Socialist notion of community is thus consciously or unconsciously distorted and transformed into collectivity.
The crowning achievement of any spirit of sacrifice is the dedication of one’s own life for the existence of the community.
Adolf Hitler
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