Berlin, January 30,
1937
Men! Deputies of the German Reichstag!
The Reichstag has been convened today, on an important
day for the German Volk. Four years have passed since that moment marking the
beginning of the great inner cataclysm and reorganization Germany has experienced, four years
which I requested from the German Volk as a period of probation and judgment.
What would be more logical than to use this occasion to recount in detail all
the success and progress these four years have bestowed upon the German Volk?
Within the framework of such a short rally it is not even possible to mention
all those things which might well be regarded as the remarkable results of this
perhaps most astounding epoch in the life of our Volk! That is a task more
fitting for the press and propaganda. Moreover, there will be an exhibition
this year in the Reich Capital of Berlin in which the attempt will be made to
give a comprehensive and more detailed impression of what has been created,
achieved and begun than I could possibly be capable of giving in a two-hour
speech. Therefore, I wish to make use of today’s historic meeting of the German
Reichstag in order to point out, in a retrospective on the past four years, a
few of the generally valid insights, experiences and consequences which are
important not only for us to understand, but also for posterity.
I
can say it with a certain amount of pride: this was perhaps the first modern
revolution in which not so much as a window pane was shattered. Yet I do not
want to be misunderstood: if the course of this revolution was bloodless, it
was not because we were not men enough to stand the sight of blood. For four
years, I was a soldier in the bloodiest war of all time. I never once lost my
nerve throughout, no matter what the situation or what I was confronted with.
This also applies to my fellow workers. But we perceived the task of the
National Socialist Revolution not as destroying human life or property but
instead as building up a new and better life. It is our greatest source of
pride that we carried out this-undoubtedly greatest-cataclysm in our Volk with
a minimum of casualties and losses.
Only
where the murderous lust of Bolshevism believed itself capable, even after
January 30, 1933, of preventing the triumph or the realization of the National
Socialist idea by force have we naturally countered with force- and have done
so with the speed of lightning. Then again there were other elements.
We
recognized their lack of restraint, coupled with the gravest lack of political
education, and these we merely took into preventive custody, only to restore to
them their liberty after a very short time, generally speaking.
And
then again there were those few whose political activities served only as a
cover for a criminal attitude evidenced in numerous sentences to prison or
penal servitude; these we prevented from continuing their devastating work of
destruction by urging them to take up a useful occupation, probably for the
first time in their lives.
In
the space of a few weeks, both the political residues and societal biases of
the past thousand years in Germany
had been cleared away and eliminated.
Germany
and the German Volk have overcome several great catastrophes.
Naturally,
there always had to be certain men-I will be the first to admit-who took the
necessary steps and who saw these measures through despite the eternal
pessimists and know-it-alls. True, an assembly of parliamentary cowards is most
ill-suited to lead the Volk forth-away from destitution and despair!
My
Deputies! When the German economy seemingly ground to a complete halt in the
years 1932 and 1933, the following became more clear to me than in the
preceding years: the salvation of our Volk is not a financial problem; it is
exclusively a problem of utilizing and employing the available work force on
the one hand and exploiting available soil and mineral resources on the other.
The
Volksgemeinschaft does not subsist on the fictitious value of money but on
actual production, which gives money its value. This production is the primary
cover for a currency, not a bank or a vault full of gold! And when I increase
this production, I am actually increasing the income of my fellow citizens;
if I decrease production, I decrease income, regardless of what salaries are
being paid out. [-] This concerted resolution of economic issues finds its
greatest expression in the Four-Year Plan. It assures that once great numbers
of German workers are released by the armament industry and re-enter the labor
force, these workers shall find secure employment within our economy. [-] It is
quite clear that neither strikes nor lockouts can be tolerated in a sphere
where such views prevail. The National
Socialist State
does not recognize an economic law of the jungle. The common interest of the
nation-i.e. of our Volk-has priority over the interests of all its competing
components. Therefore we cannot allow that any means suited for utilization in
our Volk’s training and education be exempted from this shared obligation.
The
education of youth, Jungvolk, Hitler Youth, Labor Service, Party, Wehrmacht:
all of them are institutions for training and educating our Volk.
Books,
newspapers, lectures, art, theater, film: all are means for the education of
the Volk (Volkserziehung). What the National Socialist Revolution has
accomplished in these areas is astonishing and colossal. One need only think of
the following: Today, our entire German system of education-including the
press, theater, film, and literature-is run and organized exclusively by German
Volksgenossen. How often were we told before that removing the Judentum from
these institutions must result in their collapse or deterioration? And what has
happened now? In all of these areas we are witnessing a tremendous flourishing
of cultural and artistic life. Our films are better than ever before; the
performances on the stages of our first-rate theaters are in a world class all
their own. Our press has become a powerful instrument serving the selfassertion
of our Volk and does its part in fortifying the nation. German science is doing
successful work, and tremendous proofs of our creative architectural will shall
one day bear witness to this new epoch! An incredible immunization of the
German Volk has been achieved to all the infiltrating tendencies from which a
different world is made to suffer. We now already take for granted several of
our institutions that were not yet understood even a few years ago: Jungvolk,
Hitler Youth, BDM, Frauenschaft, Labor Service, SA, SS, NSKK-and above all the
Labor Front with its tremendous organization-are bricks in the proud structure
of our Third Reich. This safeguarding of the internal life of our German Volk
needed to be complemented by an external safeguard. And I believe that it is
here, my Deputies and men of the German Reichstag, that the National Socialist
uprising has achieved the most marvelous of its accomplishments! When, four
years ago, I was entrusted with the chancellorship and with it the leadership
of the nation, I assumed the bitter obligation to lead back to honor a people
who had been compelled to live the life of an outcast among the other nations
for fifteen years. The internal order of the German Volk provided me with the
requirements for reestablishing the German Army, and these two circumstances
likewise made it possible to throw off those shackles which had been felt to be
the deepest mark of disgrace ever branded on a people.
In
concluding this process today, I have but a few statements to make.
First:
the restoration of German equality of rights was a process that concerned and
involved Germany
alone. In its course we neither deprived any other people of anything nor did
harm to any other people.
Second:
I hereby proclaim to you that, within the context of the restoration of German
equality of rights, I shall divest the German Reichsbahn and the German
Reichsbank of their prior character and place them completely under the
sovereign control of the Government of the German Reich.
Third:
I hereby declare that, by virtue thereof, the part of the Treaty of Versailles
which deprived our Volk of equality of rights and degraded it to an inferior
Volk has now been settled in the natural course of things.
Fourth:
above all, I herewith most solemnly withdraw the German signature from that
declaration extracted under duress at that time from a weak government against
its own better judgment, that Germany
was to blame for the war! My Deputies, Men of the German Reichstag! This
restoration of the honor of our Volk-most clearly evidenced in an external
sense in the introduction of conscription, in the institution of a new
Luftwaffe, in the re-establishment of a German Navy, in the reoccupation of the
Rhineland by our troops-was the most difficult
and most daring task and accomplishment of my life.
Today
I must bow down in thanks to Providence,
whose mercy has enabled me, once an unknown soldier in the World War, to thus
help our Volk to win the battle for the restoration of its honor and
uprightness! Unfortunately, not all the necessary measures in this context
could be accomplished by way of negotiations. Be that as it may: a Volk cannot
attain its honor by negotiating; it must seize its honor-just as its honor
cannot be negotiated away, but only taken away!
That
I took the required action without consulting our former opponents on each
point or even informing them, was also due to the knowledge that I had thus
made it easier for the other side to accept our decisions, as they would have
had to at any rate. Allow me also to add yet another statement, namely, that
the period of so-called surprises has now come to an end. As a state with equal
rights, conscious of its role in Europe, Germany will cooperate loyally in
the future to settle the problems which are a cause for concern to us and to
the other nations.
When
I now proceed to take a stand on all these basic questions of the present, it
is perhaps most feasible to do so along the lines of the remarks Mr. Eden made
recently in the English House of Commons.
In
essence, they contain all there is to say on the relationship between Germany and France. Here I would like to
express my genuine thanks for the opportunity of replying which was offered to
me in the both frank and remarkable comments of the honorable British Foreign
Secretary.
I
have read these comments carefully and, I believe, correctly. Naturally I do
not wish to become absorbed in details; instead I would like to try to extract
the major points from Mr. Eden’s speech and, for my part, clarify and respond
to them.
Initially,
I will attempt to put right what appears to me to be a quite regrettable error.
Namely, the error that Germany has any intention whatsoever of isolating
itself, of passing over the events in the rest of the world with indifference,
or that Germany had no desire to show any consideration for general exigencies.
What
grounds are there for the view that Germany is adhering to a policy of
isolation? If the assumption as to Germany’s
isolation is concluded from what are alleged to be Germany’s intentions, I would like
to note the following: I do not believe that a state could ever intend to
consciously take a politically disinterested stand on events in the rest of the
world. Particularly not if this world is as small as modern-day Europe. I believe that, if a state is in fact forced to
take refuge in such an attitude, then only by virtue of being compelled to do
so by an alien will imposed upon it. I would like to assure Foreign Secretary
Eden here that we Germans do not in the least want to be isolated and by no
means feel isolated.
In
the past few years, there have been quite a few political ties which Germany
has entered into, re-established, improved and, in the case of a number of
states I might even say it has set up close and amicable relations. From our
perspective, our relations in Europe are
normal to most states, and very friendly to quite a few. At the top of this
list I might cite the excellent relations binding us with all those states
which have, as a result of hardship similar to our own, arrived at similar
conclusions.
By
virtue of a series of treaties, we have resolved former tensions and thereby
made a substantial contribution to improving European conditions.
You
will recall for example our agreement with Poland which proved advantageous for
both states; our agreement with Austria; our excellent and close relations with
Italy; our amicable relations with Hungary, Yugoslavia, Bulgaria, Greece,
Portugal, Spain, etc.-and last but not least, our no less friendly relations
with quite a number of states outside of Europe.
The
agreement Germany concluded
with Japan
for the purpose of combating the Comintern Movement is graphic proof of how
little interest the German Government has in isolating itself and how little it
thus does in fact feel isolated.
Moreover,
I have expressed more than once the desire and the hope of being able to arrive
at equally good and friendly terms with all our neighbors.
Germany-and
I solemnly reiterate this here and now-has repeatedly declared that there can
be no humanly conceivable contentious issues whatsoever between itself and France,
to cite an example. The German Government has moreover assured Belgium and Holland that it is prepared to recognize and
guarantee these states at any time as inviolable neutral territories.
In
the light of all the declarations formerly given by us and the actual state of
affairs, I am somewhat at a loss to comprehend why Germany should feel itself isolated
or even adhere to a policy of isolation.
I
do, however, fear that I must interpret Mr. Eden’s words as meaning that he
regards the implementation of the German Four-Year Plan as one element of Germany’s
refusal to partake in international relations. Therefore, I wish to leave no
doubt whatsoever that the decision to implement this Plan is not subject to any
review. The reasons which led us to arrive at this decision were cogent ones.
And I have been unable to detect any recent development which might have moved
us to refrain in any way from implementing this decision.
Germany
has a tremendous number of people who wish not only to work, but also to eat.
In other respects as well, our Volk has a high standard of living.
I
cannot build the future of the German nation on the promises a foreign
statesman gives of providing some kind of international aid; I can build it
only on the real foundation of a functioning industry whose products I must
sell either at home or abroad! And this is perhaps where I, in my mistrust,
differ from the optimistic remarks of the British Foreign Secretary.
If
in fact Europe does not awaken from the fever
of its Bolshevist infections, I fear that, despite the good intentions of
individual statesmen, international trade will not increase, but ultimately
decrease. That is because this trade is built not only upon the uninterrupted
and thus secured production on the part of one specific nation, but on the
production of all nations. Initially, however, one thing is certain: every
single Bolshevist disruption will of necessity lead to a more or less lengthy
disruption in orderly production. Therefore, I am not able to view the economic
future of Europe as optimistically as Mr. Eden
apparently believes he can. I am the responsible leader of the German Volk and
must look after its interests in this world to the best of my knowledge and
belief. Hence I am also under an obligation to assess the situation in
accordance with what I believe I can perceive with my own eyes.
The
history of my Volk would never acquit me were I to omit-for any reason
whatsoever-doing something which is imperative for the preservation of this
Volk. I am glad, as are we all, of any increase in our foreign trade. However,
in view of the unresolved political situation, I shall not fail to do anything
which might serve to guarantee to the German Volk its existence even after
other states have succumbed to the Bolshevist infection. Furthermore, I must
object when this view is dismissed as being but the product of a feeble
imagination. For right now there is no doubt about the following: the honorable
British Foreign Secretary is showing us theoretical perspectives on life, while
in reality, for one, completely different events are taking place. The
revolutionizing of Spain,
for example, drove fifteen thousand Germans out of that country and did severe
damage to our trade.
If
the revolutionizing of Spain
were to spread to other European states, the damage would increase, not
decrease. If, however-this I must also investigate-the reason behind the
opinion that Germany is adhering to a policy of isolation might lie in our
withdrawal from the League of Nations, I would like to point out that the
Geneva League was never truly a league of all the nations; a number of major
nations either never belonged to it in the first place or had withdrawn even
before we did, whereas no one claimed they were adhering to a policy of
isolation. Therefore I believe Mr. Eden has evidently misunderstood German
intentions and our own views on this issue.
For
nothing is further from our minds than severing either our political or our
economic relations with the other world or even to diminish them. On the
contrary, the opposite is more to the point.
I
have so often attempted to make a contribution to understanding in Europe, and
have quite often assured particularly the English people and its government how
very much we desire to cooperate and be on sincere and friendly terms with
them. And I mean all of us, the entire German Volk, and last but not least
myself! Yet I do admit there does exist a real and, as I see it, unbridgeable
difference between the views of the British Foreign Secretary and our own on
one issue. Mr. Eden emphasizes that under no circumstances does the British
Government wish to see Europe torn in two
halves. It is unfortunate that this desire was not expressed and heard earlier.
Today this desire is nothing but an illusion.
For
sadly the fracture not only of Europe, but of
the entire world into two halves is now an accomplished fact. It is regrettable
that the British Government did not take the position it does today-that the
fracturing of Europe needs to be avoided under
all circumstances-at an earlier point, for then the Treaty of Versailles never
would have come about. It was in fact that Treaty which introduced the first
fracture to Europe, namely, the division into
victorious nations on the one hand and vanquished nations, without rights, on
the other.
No
one suffered from this fracturing of Europe
more than the German people. That this rupture was repaired, at least as far as
concerns Germany, is
essentially the achievement of the National Socialist Revolution in Germany
and thus, to a certain extent, probably mine as well! The second fracture arose
as a result of the proclamation of the Bolshevist doctrine, one of whose
integral components is that it does not confine itself to a single people but
aims to be forced upon all peoples.
At
issue here is not a special form of life indigenous to, let us say, the Russian
people; rather, it is the Bolshevist goal of world revolution. The fact that
the honorable Foreign Secretary Eden refuses to see Bolshevism as we see it is
perhaps related to Great
Britain’s location, perhaps to other
experiences of which we have no knowledge. I do, however, hold that, because we
speak of these things not as theoreticians, one cannot accuse us of being
insincere in our conviction.
For
Mr. Eden, Bolshevism is perhaps something sitting in Moscow; for us, however,
Bolshevism is a plague against which we have been forced to defend ourselves in
a bloody fight; a plague that has attempted to make of our country the same
desert it has made of Spain, that had begun the same shooting of hostages we
are now witnessing in Spain! National Socialism did not seek contact with
Bolshevism in Russia;
rather, the Jewish international Muscovite Bolshevism attempted to penetrate Germany!
And it is still attempting to do so today! And we have fought a difficult
battle against this attempt, upholding and thus defending not only the culture
of our Volk, but perhaps that of Europe as a
whole in the process.
If
in those days in January and February 1933 Germany
had lost the last decisive battle against this barbarity, and if the Bolshevist
expanse of rubble and corpses had spread to encompass Central Europe, perhaps
one might have reached other conclusions on the Thames
as regards the character of this, the most horrendous menace to mankind.
Since
England must be defended at
the Rhine in any case,28 it would now already
be in the closest proximity to that harmless democratic Muscovite world whose
innocuousness is so constantly and ardently hammered home to us.
Thus
I would like once more to formally state the following: Bolshevism is a
doctrine of world revolution, i.e. of world destruction. To adopt this
doctrine, to accord it equal rights as a factor in European life, is tantamount
to placing Europe at its mercy. If other
peoples choose to expose themselves to contact with this menace, Germany
has nothing to say on the matter.
However,
as far as Germany
itself is concerned, I would like to leave no doubt that we 1. perceive in
Bolshevism an intolerable world menace; and 2. that we are using every means at
our disposal to keep this menace away from our Volk; 3. that we are thus
endeavoring to make the German Volk as immune to this infection as possible.
This
also entails that we avoid any close contact with the carriers of these
poisonous germs and that we are specifically not prepared to dull the German
Volk’s sense of perception for this menace by ourselves establishing
connections more extensive than the requisite diplomatic or economic relations.
I
hold the Bolshevist doctrine to be the worst poison which can be administered
to a people. I therefore do not want my own people to come into contact with
this doctrine in any way. And as a citizen of this Volk myself, I will not do
anything I would be forced to condemn in my fellow citizens. I demand from
every German worker that he refrain from having any relations or dealings with
these international pests, and for his part he will never see me quaffing or
carousing with them. In other respects, every additional German contractual tie
with the present Bolshevist Russia would be completely useless to us. It would
be equally inconceivable for National Socialist German soldiers to ever need fulfill
a helpmate function in protecting Bolshevism; nor would we on our side accept
any aid from a Bolshevist state. For I fear that every Volk which reaches out
for such aid will find it to be its own demise.
I
must also take a stand here against the view that the League
of Nations might lend its support as such if needed and actually
save the individual member states by virtue of its assistance. No, I cannot
believe that. Foreign Secretary Eden stated recently that actions speak louder
than words. I would, however, like to point out that the outstanding feature of
the League of Nations to date has been not actions, but words-with the
exception of a single case in which it perhaps would have been better to have
been content with words only.29 Moreover,
in that one instance-as could be expected-the actions were not able to achieve
the desired effect.
Mr.
Eden holds that, in the future, every state should possess only those arms
which are necessary for its defense. I do not know whether and in what form Moscow has been approached
with respect to putting this interesting thought into practice, and to what
extent promises have already been made from that quarter.
There
is, however, one thing I must say: there is no doubt that the amount of the
arms required for defense depends upon the amount of the dangers which threaten
a country. This is something which each Volk-and each Volk alone- is competent
to judge. Thus if Great Britain establishes the limits of its arms today,
everyone in Germany will understand this; the only way we can see it is that
London alone is competent to decide on the proportions of the protection
required by the British Empire. At the same time, however, I would also like to
stress that the proportions of the protection and hence defensive arms required
by our Volk comprise a matter which falls under our own competence and thus is
to be decided exclusively in Berlin.
The
attempt has been made to construe a connection between German sympathy for
national Spain
and some sort of colonial designs. Germany has no colonial claims
against countries which have not taken colonies from it. In addition, Germany
has suffered so greatly from the Bolshevist plight that it will not exploit
this plight and rob another unhappy people in its hour of need or extract from
it some future gain by force.
The
German Volk once built up a colonial empire without robbing anyone and without
violating any treaties. And it did so without waging war. That colonial empire
has been taken away from us. The reasons being brought forth today to
rationalize that action are not tenable.
First:
“The natives do not want to belong to Germany.” Who asked them if they
wanted to belong to someone else; and when have colonized peoples ever been
asked whether they harbored good will and affection for their former colonial
masters? Second: “The German colonies were not even properly administered by
the Germans.” Germany
had only gained these colonies a few decades before. Great sacrifices went into
their expansion, and they were in the midst of an evolution which would have
led to completely different results today than, for instance, in 1914. Yet we
had nonetheless developed the colonies to such an extent that others considered
them worth waging bloody battles with us to wrench them from our possession.
Third,
it is claimed, “Those colonies had no real value.” Were this the case, this
lack of value would also apply to other states, and hence it makes no sense
that they are depriving us of them at all. Moreover, Germany has never demanded colonies
for military purposes, but exclusively for economic ones.
It
is obvious that the value of a certain territory may decrease in times of
general prosperity; it is, however, just as obvious that such an assessment
will undergo an immediate revision in times of distress. And today Germany
is living in times of a difficult struggle for foodstuffs and raw materials.
Sufficient imports are only conceivable given a steady and continuous increase
in our exports. Thus the demand for colonies in a country as densely populated
as our own will naturally be put forward again and again.
In
concluding these remarks, I would like to take a stand on a document the British
Government sent to the German Government on the occasion of the occupation of
the Rhineland.
At
the outset I would like to establish that we hold and are convinced that the
English Government did everything in its power at that time to avoid an escalation
of the European crisis, and that the document in question owes its existence to
the desire to make a contribution toward untangling the situation at the time.
It was nonetheless impossible for the German Government to provide an answer to
these questions for reasons the Government of Great Britain will certainly
appreciate.
We
have chosen instead to settle some of these questions the most natural way of
all in the practical handling of our relations with our neighboring states, and
now that full German sovereignty and equality of rights have been restored, I
would like to state conclusively that Germany will never again sign a treaty
which is in any way irreconcilable with its honor, with the honor of the nation
and the government representing it, or which is otherwise irreconcilable with
Germany’s vital interests and thus cannot be upheld for any length of time.33 I do believe that this declaration will be easily
comprehended by everyone.
The
great tasks which have been commenced beyond this [the Four-Year Plan] shall be
continued. Their goal will be to make the German Volk healthier and its life
more comfortable. As external evidence of this great epoch of the resurrection
of our Volk shall now stand the methodical expansion of several of the Reich’s
major cities. Enhancing Berlin
to become a true and genuine capital of the German Reich is the first priority.
Therefore today-just as this is done for our road-building-I have appointed a
General Building Inspector for Berlin who will be responsible for the
structural enhancement of the Reich Capital and shall ensure that, despite the
chaos of Berlin’s constructional development, the strong lines will be retained
which do justice to the spirit of the National Socialist Movement and the
individuality of the German Reich Capital. A period of twenty years has been
allotted for the implementation of this plan.
May
the Almighty God grant us the peace to be able to accomplish this tremendous
task. Parallel to it there will be a large-scale enhancement of the Capital of
the Movement, the City of the Reich Party Congresses and the City of Hamburg.
This,
however, shall serve merely as a model for the general cultural evolution to
which we aspire as the crowning glory of the internal and external freedom of
the German Volk.
And
finally, it shall be a task of the future to guarantee, in a constitution, for
all time to come the true life of our Volk as it has now taken shape in the
form of a state, and thus to elevate that life to become the immortal basic law
for all Germans.
When
I look back upon the great work of the four years lying behind us, you will
understand that my initial feeling can be none other than that of gratitude to
our Almighty God who allowed us to accomplish this work.
He
blessed our work and enabled our Volk to stride unscathed and confident through
all the perils lining its path.
I
have had three unusual friends in my life: in my youth Poverty was my companion
for many years. When the Great War came to a close, it was the deepest Regret
at the collapse of our Volk that overcame me and prescribed my path. Since that
January 30 four years ago I have met my third friend, Concern. Concern for the
Volk and Reich entrusted to my leadership. It has never left me since, and will
probably accompany me now until I am no more.
Yet
how could a man be capable of bearing up under the weight of this concern if he
did not, faithfully trusting in his mission, have the consent of Him who stands
above us all? It is Fate with special tasks that so often compels men to he
alone and forlorn. I also wish to thank Providence here and now that it enabled
me to find a company of the most loyal fellow fighters who have linked their
lives to mine and who have been at my side ever since, fighting with me for the
resurrection of our Volk. I am so happy that I need not stride through the
German Volk as a lonely man, but that beside me there are men comprising a
guard whose name will live on in German history.
At
this time I would like to thank my old comrades in arms who stood by me
untiringly throughout these long, long years, and who are now giving me their
help, either as Ministers, as Reichsstatthalters, as Gauleiters, or in other
positions within the Party and the State. At present, there are fateful events
taking place in Moscow which really reveal to us how highly that loyalty which
binds leading men deserves to be valued.35
I would further like to extend my sincere thanks to those who, although
they have not issued from the ranks of the Party, have come in the course of these
years to constitute true helpers and companions in the leadership of the Reich
Government and in the rest of the Volk. Today they all belong to us, though
this very minute they may not yet have the symbol of our community.
I
would like to thank the men and women who built up our Party organization and
have so successfully headed it. Yet above all I must take this opportunity to
thank the leaders of our Wehrmacht. They have made it possible to present the
National Socialist weapon to the National
Socialist State
without any disturbance. Thus today the Party and the Wehrmacht constitute the
two eternally-sworn guarantors of the assertion of our Volk’s life. We are also
aware that all our deeds would have been in vain had not hundreds of thousands
of Political Leaders, countless civil servants of the Reich and innumerable
soldiers and officers stood by us loyally in the spirit of our uprising. And
beyond that-had not the broad front of the entire German Volk stood behind us.
On
this historic day, I must once again mention those millions of nameless German
people who, from every walk of life, from every profession and factory and from
every farm, have given of their heart and their love and their sacrifices for
the new Reich. And we, too, Men and Deputies of the Reichstag, wish to join
together to thank above all the German women, the millions of our mothers who
have given the Third Reich their children. For what would be the sense in all
our work, what would be the sense in the uprising of the German nation without
our German youth? Every mother who has given our Volk a child in these four
years has contributed, by her pain and her happiness, to the happiness of the
entire nation. When I think of our Volk’s healthy youth, my faith in our future
becomes transformed into joyful certainty. And I sense with heartfelt fervency
the significance of that single word Ulrich von Hutten wrote before he set
aside his quill for the last time:
Deutschland!
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