Adolf Hitler – proclamation read by Gauleiter
Adolf Wagner
(Excerptions)
Nuremberg,
September 06, 1937
Since then, this city has represented in miniature both how our Movement and
Germany have evolved as well as the evolution of this city. A gigantic forum is
in the process of emerging. Its parade grounds are the most extensive in the
world. As of tomorrow, the cornerstone will be laid for the erection of a
stadium the likes of which have never before been seen on earth.
Within a mere two years’ time, the shell of the colossal Congress Hall will
have risen to constitute the first granite monument to bear witness to the
magnitude of the idea to which it owes its design, and to the magnitude of the
entire facility. A parade ground and rally site worthy of the demonstrations-
initiated by National Socialism-of the greatest transformation in our German
history!
How can the peasant in his village, the laborer in his workshop or factory,
the employee in his office-how can they all grasp the extent of the total
result of their innumerable personal sacrifices and their struggle? But once a
year, on the occasion of the general display of the Party, they will stride
forth as one from the modesty of their narrow existence to gaze upon and
acknowledge the glory of the fight and the triumph! Then many of them will
perhaps experience for the first time the overwhelming certainty that their
small-scale troubles and efforts have not been in vain, but that they have been
the basis for this tremendous success, and that the many minor setbacks they
have experienced were pale in significance when compared to the overall outcome
of the fight of the Movement and-today-of their entire Volk.
And when, during these few days, hundreds of thousands march once again to
Nuremberg, and hence from all of Germany’s Gaus an endless stream of warm life
flows into this city, all of them-looking back and around from this elevated
site-will be able to come to the same conclusion: we are truly the witnesses of
a transformation more tremendous than any the German nation has ever
experienced. Collectively, socially, economically, politically, culturally, and
racially, we are living in the midst of a gigantic metamorphosis of time.
[…]
My Party Comrades! We are living at an incredibly great time in history.
Admittedly, every century has had its wars or revolutions, by virtue of
which people have risen or fallen and states been built up or torn down.
However, it is only seldom that a people’s life is shaken up by tremors
which penetrate as far as the deepest foundations of the structure of the
societal order and threaten or even destroy them!
Building up
a new leadership elite in our nation without the devastating chaotic
destruction of existing conditions is one of the greatest accomplishments in
the history of our Volk.
[…]
There is one comforting certainty the German nation can then call its own:
even if the whole world around us catches on fire, the National Socialist State
will rise forth from the Bolshevist flames like platinum.
It is a fact that Germany has solved its most pressing social problem, and
solved it absolutely: there are no longer any real unemployed in our country.
On the contrary: today there are already shortages in countless areas,
particularly of skilled workers. I believe this is a greater social
accomplishment than what other countries succeed in doing-just as was also done
here in the past-to undermine and destroy production until finally the
so-called liberated proletariat has been relieved not so much of its troubles,
but of its work and thus of its daily bread.
May no one deceive himself: a Volksgemeinschaft that succeeds in building
up an enormous army, mobilizing a huge labor service running the mammoth
organization of the German Reichsbahn, etc., will also be capable of bringing
German steel and iron production up to the requisite level! We have been capable
of mastering quite different tasks from those laid down in the Four-Year Plan!
And today I would already like to assure you, my Party Comrades, that this work
will progress under the direction of Party Comrade Goring at exactly the
prescribed speed!
Therefore the demand for colonial possessions belonging to the Reich is a
demand grounded in our financial need, and the position of other powers as
regards this demand is simply beyond comprehension.
Germany neither robbed nor stole its colonies from these powers in the
past. In a world such as ours today, where people are so saturated with
moralistic phrases, it would be only appropriate to take this fact into
consideration as well!
I would like to cite three facts in closing one chapter of German history
today.
First: The Treaty of Versailles is dead! Second: Germany is free! Third:
The guarantor of our freedom is our own Wehrmacht! Yet at the same time Germany
is not isolated today, but bound in friendship to powerful states. The natural
community of interests of National Socialist Germany and Fascist Italy has
increasingly grown in the past few months to prove itself a factor in
safeguarding Europe from the madness of chaos.
In the future, it will be impossible to ignore this community of will in
any particular instance, and to simply carry on as usual. Our agreement with
Japan serves the same purpose: to join forces in warding off an attack upon the
civilized world that might today take place in Spain, tomorrow in the east or
the day after perhaps somewhere else.
However, the greatest revolution Germany has undergone was that of the
purification of the Volk and thus of the races which was launched
systematically in this country for the first time ever.
The consequences of this German racial policy will be more significant for
the future of our Volk than the effects of all the other laws together. For
they are what is creating the new man. They will preserve our Volk from doing
as so many historically tragic past prototypes of other races have done: lose
their earthly existence forever because of their ignorance as regards a single
question.
For what is the sense of all our work and all our efforts if they do not
serve the putpose of preserving the German being? And what good is any effort
on behalf of this being if we omit the most important thing to preserve it pure
and unadulterated in its blood? Any other mistake can be rectified, any other
error can be corrected, but what one fails to do in this area can often never
again be amended. Whether our work in this area of purifying our race and thus
our Volk has been fruitful is something you can best judge for yourselves here
during these few days. For what you are encountering in this city is the German
being. Come and see for yourselves whether he has become worse under National
Socialist leadership or whether he has not indeed become better. Do not gauge
only the increasing number of children being born-gauge above all the appearance
of our youth.
How lovely are our girls and our boys, how bright is their gaze, how
healthy and fresh their posture, how splendid are the bodies of the hundreds of
thousands and millions who have been trained and cared for by our
organizations! Where are there better men to be found today than those who can
be seen here? It is truly the rebirth of a nation, brought about by the
deliberate breeding of a new being (bewusste Zuchtung eines neuen Menschen).
Adolf Hitler – speech about the culture
Nuremberg,
September 7, 1937
The weapons of those bourgeois ballad-singers of freedom (Freiheitssanger)
were, at worst, pen and ink. Yet the National Socialists were expected to bear
a thousand privations. But their struggle gradually brought about genuine
freedom. A freedom which is not the product of poetic contemplation, but the
result of hard political battles compounded not of essays or leading articles,
but of historically established events and hence accomplishments. Of course it
was more difficult to arrive at a March 16, 1935, or to occupy the Rhineland
than to concern oneself in newspapers or literary pamphlets with theoretical
discussions on the true nature of genuine freedom.
In history, however, surely only the factual counts; that means that in
history, neither political desire nor theoretical contemplation will be
material, but political achievement, and that means the deed itself. It is the
task of cultural policy-just as in the area of politics in general-to lead
onwards to new and, in this case, cultural achievements!
[…]
Therefore the civilized nations have always constituted the counterpole to
the nations without culture, just as within them the artist is, in turn, the
solitary figure in contrast to the masses of the artistically indifferent, or
to people even lacking any understanding whatsoever. This, however, is due to
the following: the genius consistently stands out from the masses in that he
unconsciously anticipates truths of which the population as a whole only later
becomes conscious! [-] Of all the questionable concoctions of our so-called
“Modern Art,” not even five percent would have been able to gain a place in the
art collection of the German Volk had it not been that, by means of propaganda
having nothing at all to do with art, but oriented along political and weltanschaulich
lines, public opinion had been talked into them-indeed, even forced into
them-by likeminded political factors. The Volk’s deep-seated aversion to the
enrichment of its art by virtue of such products is something obvious to anyone
from the impressions made upon the viewers of the “Entartete Kunst” exhibition
in Munich.
However, a clever and indeed cunning Jewish cultural propaganda has
nonetheless succeeded in talking at least his so-called “appointed art
experts”- but not healthy individuals-into smuggling these supremely pitiful
concoctions into our galleries and thus ultimately forcing them upon the German
Volk after all.
The path from the sacred and serious work of our good old German masters to
the great painters of the seventeenth, eighteenth and nineteenth centuries was
certainly more difficult than the path from the average decent art of the
nineteenth century to the primitive scrawlings of our so-called “Moderns,”
whose products basically attract attention only because they are behind modern
times by a few thousand years.
We have our litterateurs to thank for this ignominious retrogression. They
have succeeded, by perpetually using the word “kitsch” to describe a wellmeant,
175 decent, average accomplishment, in breeding
those exalted aberrations which, to a blase literary attitude, might perhaps
seem to present an interesting and even phenomenal innovation, but in fact are
nothing but a disgraceful reversion, a deterioration of culture which has never
before taken place at any time in the past-and never could take place, either,
because never before had litterateurs been accorded such an outrageous
influence on the performing and visual arts.
In this context, it is now amusing to note that it is least of all the
products of these so-called “Moderns” which can be judged as being, for
example, “original” or possessing “originality.” On the contrary, all of these
so-called modern artists are the most pathetic and inept copyists of all time.
Naturally not copyists of what is decent, but of nonsense!
Never before in German history were greater and more noble edifices
planned, commenced and completed than in our time.
[…]
The authority that is saving the German Volk from collapse in the twentieth
century, that has snatched it away from the chaos of Bolshevism, is not the
authority of an economic association, but that of the National Socialist
Movement, of the National Socialist Party and thus of the National Socialist
State! The opponents will sense it, but the adherents above all must know it:
it is to fortify this authority that these structures are being built!
Therefore these edifices are neither designed for the year 1940 nor for the
year 2000; instead, they are to tower, like the cathedrals of our past, into
the millenniums of the future. And if today God perhaps allows the poets and
singers to be fighters, He has, in any case, given the fighters the architects
who will ensure that the success of this fight finds an immortal substantiation
in the documents of a unique and great art! That is something small minds
perhaps cannot comprehend, but then again they have not understood our fight on
the whole. It may embitter our opponents, but then again their hatred has never
yet been capable of thwarting our success, either. One day, however, it will be
understood with utmost clarity how very great the blessing is which shines
forth throughout the centuries from the tremendous edifices of this history-making
age. For they above all will help, in a political sense, to unify and fortify
our Volk more than ever before; in a collective sense, they will-for Germans-
become part of a proud feeling of belonging together; in a social sense, they
will prove the ridiculousness of any other differences of this world in
comparison to these tremendous, gigantic witnesses of our sense of community.
[…]
This State shall neither be a power without culture nor a force without
beauty. For the armament of a Volk is only morally justified when it is the
sword and shield of a higher mission. Therefore we are not striving for the
brute strength of someone like Genghis Khan, but instead for an empire of
strength which is instrumental in shaping a strong social and protected
community as the support and guard of a higher culture!
Speech to the Labor Service
(Short excerptions)
September
08, 1937
The proudest deed which National Socialism has accomplished toward
establishing a future German Volksgemeinschaft was its founding the Reich Labor
Service! This Party Congress revolves around the theme of labor. The
accomplishments you have shown us are themselves only a product of untiring
labor. Your number-one worker, my comrades, is your leader, Party Comrade
Hierl!
[…]
You, my comrades, have become a part of our Volk within the space of these
few years, a part we can no longer imagine doing without. You belong here in
this state which the Party has established, just as the Wehrmacht belongs here.
We can no longer imagine doing without you, and you will never again be
done without! And for us, it is an edifying thought to know that, long into the
most distant future, generation after generation will shoulder the weapon of
peace-the spade-and report for duty at the service of our community and thus of
our Volk. We feel fortunate in knowing that a guarantor for the eternal
strength of Germany and the greatness of our Volk and our Reich has thus been
established anew. Today you are no longer a fantasy; instead you now have
already become a tremendous reality!
Speech to the German police
(Short excerptions)
Nuremberg,
September 10, 1937
In the year 1933, the National Socialist leadership of state immediately
undertook the attempt to lessen the burdens of this position [as
representatives of the authority of the state] for you. By limiting your arms
exclusively to the live weapons,176 the police have
been relieved of that so despised and characteristic feature of the November
days. At that time we were of the conviction that it must be possible to
enforce and apply the authority of the state, i.e. what the community required
of the Volksgenossen, without an appendage as shameful as the rubber truncheon
was. At that time we held the view that there were only two alternatives:
either it would suffice to enforce the authority of the personality of the
individual and the authority of the community, or it would be necessary to use
the most effective of weapons to establish respect and obedience for this
authority. It is not, however, an alternative to beat the citizens of a Volk as
though they were subservient tribes in some colony and hence disgrace them.
[…]
Now a further step is to be taken. The German police shall be increasingly
connected with the Movement that not only represents modern Germany in a
political sense, but also personifies and leads it. And it is to this end that
you are to receive today’s banners personally from my hand. This shall
constitute a further act demonstrating the visible integration of the German
police in the great front line of the German Volksgemeinschaft marching and
fighting for the nation.
I know that you will bear these banners just as do all the other
associations which have the appointed task of serving the strength and power of
the nation.
It is in these banners above all that you will perceive the symbol of your
alliance with the German Volk that is shaping its new life today under this
same banner.
You will thereby be guided by two principal ideas: First, in being the
representative of the State, also being the Volk’s best friend.
Second, in being the representative of the State, being the most relentless
representative of this Volksgemeinschaft toward those asocial, criminal
elements which sin against it.
Adolf Hitler – speech to the German women
(Short excerptions)
Nuremberg,
September 10, 1937
The more masculine a man is, the more he is undisputed in his sphere of
influence from the very start; and the more feminine a woman is, the more her
own work and thus her own position is conversely uncontested and undisputed.
And the mutual respect of the sexes for each other will ultimately not be
achieved by the rules set up by two different formations, i.e. the formation of
men and the formation of women; instead, it must be acquired day by day in real
life. The more a man is faced with a woman who is truly female, the more his
arrogance will be disarmed from the very beginning-so disarmed, that at times
it might be unbearable; and conversely the more a man is a whole man and
carries out his work and his life-task in the highest sense of the word, the
more the woman will find her natural and self-evident place beside him. In this
constellation, the two can never cross each other on their life-paths; they
will instead join one another in a wholly shared, great mission; and ultimately
this mission is none other than preserving the community of mankind as it
exists today and ensuring that, in the future, it will be the way we desire it
to one day be.
Thus the individual alliance of man and woman will always stand out from
this joint alliance of the two sexes. We know that here, too, this alliance-if it
is to be really lasting-must equally rest upon the awareness of this great
comradeship for life. Yet because this is so, we must also understand that
seeking and finding this comradeship for life cannot simply be brought about by
commands or orders, either, but that it is moreover ultimately a problem not
only of reason, but here an affair of the heart as well. And, therefore, it is
also understandable if there are many-particularly women-who do not succeed in
solving this problem for the simple reason that the heart cannot always bow to
reason. We wish to have a maximum of understanding for this. For there is yet
another great task ahead, the work in our community itself.
The way you have begun here-and this I can say to you, Party Comrade
Scholtz-Klink-is right, and it will help us to more easily achieve this goal
[of building a community of the German Volk].
For you have demonstrated a truly remarkable talent for avoiding that the
organization of women has created, for instance, a counterpole to men, but on
the contrary ensured that the German women’s organization has become a
complement to the male fighting organization.
Adolf Hitler- speech to the Political Leaders of
Germany
(Short excerptions)
Nuremberg,
September 10, 1937
For us zealous National Socialists, these days are the most splendid
celebration of the whole year! How much trouble and sacrifice does it mean for
the individual; how difficult and strenuous it is for many of you-but for us,
too-to keep coming here! Yet nonetheless, when these days come to their close,
we are all struck by a sadness; we are like children who are deprived of a
great celebration.
For us, these clays comprise a remembrance of the time of our historic
struggle for Germany. Among you there are many standing before me who still
know the Movement from the time when it was difficult and dangerous to support
it. Particularly for these old, true comrades in arms, these days are the most
splendid remembrance and, at the same time, a reward. Once a year we see each
other face to face again, just as so often before. Once a year you are again
with me, as so often before in the battles for Germany. Back then I could go
forth in your Gaus, and each of you knew me. Today you must come to rne, and
here at this place we see each other again and again as the Old Guard of the
National Socialist Revolution!
[…]
We have chosen the motto of “Labor” for the Party Congress of 1937. There
are a scattered few who perhaps-particularly outside of Germany-might raise the
question: Why such a slogan? After having liberated Germany within four years’
time, we have the right to rejoice in our labor!
[…]
I am so pleased to have my old Fighters before me again once a year. I
always have the feeling that, as long as the human being has the gift of life,
he should yearn for those with whom he has shaped his life. What would my life
be without you! The fact that you once found your way to me and believed in me
gave your life new meaning and a new goal! The fact that I found you was the
prerequisite for my own life and my struggle!
[…]
The German nation, under the leadership of its Party, will protect Germany
and never again allow it to fade! And our faith is bound up with this
knowledge.
It was not the point of the actions of Providence which has accompanied and
blessed our miraculous path that now, perhaps in the final act, the fruits of
this struggle should be lost. The Almighty has allowed us to take this
wonderful path and will continue to bless us. For we are fighting here for a
higher right, for a higher truth and for a higher human decency. I can look
forward to the future so serenely because we have now in effect put our own
affairs in order.
[…]
Germany shall not be overrun, neither from within nor from without! And I believe
that this fact is one of the highest contributions to peace, because it warns
all those who attempt, from their base in Moscow, to set the world on fire.
Adolf Hitler - speech to the German Labor Front
(Short excerptions)
September
11, 1937
Party
Comrades! My German Volksgenossen!
The fact that I have come to you somewhat late is due to the obligations
which are part and parcel of the Party Congress. Therefore, I have asked my
friend, Party Comrade Goring, to speak to you in my stead. For I must conserve
my voice a little. Now that the weather has become worse, and much speaking
must be done outdoors, that wears somewhat on the vocal cords. Now that does
not necessarily have to awaken in our foreign correspondents178 the joyful hope that I have cancer and my voice is gone for good. They will
still be hearing it quite often and quite frequently. But basically it makes no
difference at all which of us is talking. Because each of us will say the same
thing. What we have to say is much more than merely a memorized speech. It is
the rendering of our profession of faith.
If we go so far as to believe that we will have educated everyone or
perhaps had educated everyone, others will come after them who need to be
educated.
That is the same as in the military. One class of recruits has finally,
finally been brought to the point that it can stand and walk alone. And then it
moves on, and then the next class comes, and then it starts all over again. But
that is not such a misfortune after all: on the contrary. The mission of
educating is always the best of all. For it is an eternal one, a lasting one.
We had ranks in former times, too, in which the consciousness of rank was
hammered (eingepaukt) into the people. Now we are hammering into them a
consciousness of the Volk in certain organizations. Those are ranks, too. One
of these ranks is the Labor Front. Its job is to help hammer home to German
Volksgenossen the consciousness of the Volk. It is a consciousness of rank,
too! Namely, the consciousness of belonging to the ranks of German Volkstum! At
the moment, this is perhaps inconvenient for some. But when a recruit reports
to the barracks for duty, he, too, finds a number of things inconvenient.
First he needs a good rubbing-down until he has dispensed with what he had
before. And he is usually most attached to what he should not be attached to at
all, because it gives him no reason to be proud. It is so difficult to teach
him even, let us say, about cleanliness. And things are no different on a
larger scale.
People are so very attached primarily to what is not at all worth one’s
having such an affinity with. All of this now needs to he removed. And that is
a wonderful task.
And if someone says to me, that has not been accomplished yet-well, we are
only in the fifth year of our calendar. Just give us one or two hundred years’
time.
[…]
This morning I saw some of our youth join the Party. And I must say so
myself: it is really wonderful. That is a magnificent young generation we are
now getting. And above all, they are coming to the Party from all walks of
life.
And seriously, one wouldn’t know it from seeing them: they have the same
brown shirt. No one asks where they come from. But they all look as alike as
peas in a pod. Here are children of the proletariat, there are former sons of
the bourgeoisie and of entrepreneurs and employees and peasants, etc. But they
all look exactly alike. And that is the wonderful thing. They are already
growing up like that. And our other organizations will help to cultivate that
slowly but surely. That is what the Party is for, and its organizations, the SA
and the SS.
And then comes the Labor Service. And then comes the military. And thus the
individual German is kneaded until he gradually learns to come into actual
contact with his neighbor. And all of this takes place not so much perhaps
under the heading “ideal.” No, no, all of this goes by a much more simple
heading, namely the word, “reason.”
I might not be standing before you now, that is to say I would certainly
not be standing before you, had I not once been a soldier and, as a soldier,
acquired this absolute faith in the value of my Volk, my Volksgenossen, and
above all the workers. For you yourselves know that one could so often hear
from bourgeois quarters, “Oh, those people are good for nothing, they’re just
riff-raff, pure and simple, etc.” I have always said that was not true at all.
Those people are comrades. I have experienced that myself many a time.
Those are the comrades who, God knows, have risked their lives so often for
this Germany. They are all decent people. They are all men who are prepared, if
necessary, to sacrifice everything, even their lives, for an ideal-and that too
is an ideal, if someone goes out on the battlefield for Germany.
Adolf Hitler - speech to SA, SS & NSKK
(Short excerptions)
Nuremberg,
September 12, 1937
It did not want reason and insight to reside in our Volk. And when the first
men stood up in order to preach the new reason of a Volksgemeinschaft with me
and behind me, those whose interest lay in tearing the Volk asunder rose up
against us. We all shared but one possession: a boundless love for our Volk and
an unshakeable faith in its resurrection. And today Germany has truly risen
once again, and its rising is our achievement!
[…]
A mere ten or fifteen years ago, these people were only barely able to
communicate with one another, and today the entire German nation is following
one command, one order! In his life on this earth, man needs external, visible
symbols which can be carried before him and which he strives to imitate.
For the German, the most sacred symbol has always been the flag; it is not
a piece of cloth, but a conviction and a pledge and hence an obligation.
In the long yearn of our struggle for the German being against its
adversaries, the flag was carried at your fore, the one which is today the flag
of the German Reich. These standards of our struggle at that time were
inconspicuous and faded, wholly unprepossessing; yet how we loved our flag
regardless, a flag that had nothing to do with the disintegration of the nation
but to us seemed to be the sunshine of a new and better German future! How the
tens of thousands and later hundreds of thousands of our party comrades clung
to this flag, and how they rallied around this flag! There are times when we
still see them today, these oldest storm banners of the party, so faded and
hleached- and nevertheless shining stars for us all. They accompanied us in the
time of a fantastic struggle, the likes of which perhaps has never existed in
any other country as it has in our Volk and as it has at such length.
Today they have been raised before us as symbols of the State we have
earned and the German Volksgemeinschaft we have fought for and won.
Adolf Hitler - speech to the Wehrmacht
September
13, 1937
Soldiers!
For the fourth time now you have assembled here on this field on the
occasion of this great day of the nation. Much has changed since then, not for
the worse, but all for the better! Today, Germany is more splendid, greater and
above all stronger than back then. You yourselves constitute visible proof of
this strength! In a few weeks, some of you will leave the barracks and return
to civilian life after two years of service for the German Volk and hence for
our homeland. Not only have you given these two years to Germany; you, too,
have been given them! For in these two years you have not only become soldiers,
but above all men, men of whom the nation has reason to be proud and of whom it
shall be proud in the future! The evolving German Army has made it possible not
only to win external freedom for the German Reich but moreover to commence and
perform the great works you see in Germany today. Most of all, it has enabled
us to preserve peace for our Volk in a time of unrest and general insecurity.
Peoples who were weak have never been blessed by peace, but only those who have
been strong.
The fact that Germany is strong again today is something it owes first and
foremost to its soldiers! Germany is fond of you, and above all, it is proud of
you. For it sees in you the pillars of an immortal, glorious past. You, too,
have just as much reason to be fond of Germany, for once more you can be proud
of your Volk, your homeland and our German Reich!
Deutschland Sieg Heil!
Adolf Hitler – closing speech at the NSDAP
congress in Nuremberg
September
13, 1937
How often we dwell on the question of what would have happened to Germany if
Fate had granted us a swift and easy victory in 1914. What we were all striving
for at that time with hearts aglow would presumably-seen from a higher vantage
point-have been but a misfortune for our Volk. That victory would probably have
had extremely grievous consequences. For in the inner sphere, it in particular
would have prevented us from gaining the knowledge that today allows us to look
back in horror at the path on which that Germany of the past was already making
its way. The perceptive few who were preaching caution had lapsed into
ridiculousness.
The State, grounded only in the external military means of power which bore
it up, would sooner or later have become the annihilator of its own existence
and its own means of existence, wholly ignorant of the meaning of the
blood-related sources of the Volkskraft! Phenomena such as we have had an
opportunity to observe in many other countries after their supposed victory
would have descended upon us. Instead of being jerked back from the brink of
destruction by a disruption of a catastrophic nature, we would all the more surely
have gradually succumbed to the insidious poisons of inner decay of the Volk!
In our case, the accuracy of a wise saying can be said to have been proven
true: there are times when Providence demonstrates the deepest love it has for
its creatures in an act of punishment!
One would have to be incredibly naive to dispute the fact that Bolshevism
does indeed have that international character, i.e. a revolutionary character,
in an age when Bolshevism hardly allows a day to pass without stressing its
mission of world revolution as the be-all and end-all of its program, and hence
the basis for its very existence! Only a bourgeois-democratic politician would
refuse to believe what the programmatic183 foundation of this Red world movement actually is and what, in reality, is
revealed in fact to be the most significant feature of this world movement.
National Socialism was not the first to claim that Bolshevism was
international; it was Bolshevism itself-the strictest rendering of
Marxism-which solemnly proclaimed its international character.
Now, if one of our Western Europeans still insists on denying that Bolshevism
is international, i.e. that it uses internationally uniform means and methods
to pursue an internationally self-same goal, one is left to fear that, in the
near future, we will be hearing from the lips of one such world-wise person
correspondingly that National Socialism, contrary to its program, does not
intend to stand up for Germany, and neither does Fascism for Italy! I would
nonetheless find it regrettable if we were not to be believed. And it pains me
just as much that no one even believes Bolshevism when it itself asserts its
intentions and proclaims what it is.
Moreover, he who has no concept of the magnitude of this world menace and
above all holds, for reasons of domestic and foreign policy, that he is not
allowed to take this menace seriously, will all too easily intentionally
overlook everything which might perchance be seen to constitute proof of the
existence of this world menace.
[…]
As National Socialists, we are fully conscious of the origins and
conditions of the fight which is today causing unrest in the world. Above all,
we comprehend the extent and dimensions of this struggle. It is a gigantic
event in terms of world history! The greatest menace with which the culture and
civilization of the human race have been threatened since the collapse of the
nations in Antiquity.
This crisis
cannot be compared to any of the otherwise habitual wars or any of the
revolutions that take place so often. No, this is an all-encompassing, general
attack against modern societal order, against our spiritual and cultural world.
This attack is being launched both against the essential character of the
peoples per se, against their inner organization and against the race’s own
leadership of these bodies politic, as well as against their spiritual life,
their traditions, their economies, and all the other institutions which
determine the overall essence, character, and life of these peoples or states.
This attack is so extensive that it draws nearly all of the functions of life
into the sphere of its actions. The duration of this battle is unforeseeable.
One thing which is certain is that, since the birth of Christianity, the
triumphant advance of Mohammedanism or the Reformation, nothing of this type
has ever before taken place in this world.
[…]
What others profess not to see because they simply do not want to see it,
is something we must unfortunately state as a bitter truth: the world is
presently in the midst of an increasing upheaval, whose spiritual and factual
preparation and whose leadership undoubtedly proceed from the rulers of Jewish
Bolshevism in Moscow.
When I quite intentionally present this problem as Jewish, then you, my
Party Comrades, know that this is not an unverified assumption, but a fact
proven by irrefutable evidence.
All our European states originated in what were initially small racial
cores but which are to be regarded as the truly powerful and hence determining
factors in this constellation. This fact is most pointedly demonstrated in
those states in which, as late as our modern times, the formed and guided
masses and the forming and guiding powers were not brought into a balance-or
perhaps they could not be, but probably this was not even intended. One of
these states was Russia. A very thin-not Russian-volklich, i.e. not
Slavic- layer of leadership pieced this state together from an assortment of
small and even smaller communities to form a virtual colossus of a state, which
was seemingly impregnable, but whose greatest weakness always lay in the
discrepancy between the number and merit of its ruling class-non-Russian in
terms of blood-and the number and merit of its national Russian elements.
Therefore it was particularly easy for a new racial core to successfully
penetrate and attack; it intentionally manifested itself as a volklicb leader
in disguise in contrast to the old, official leadership of state. Here the
Jewish minority, which was in no way proportionate to the Russian Volk itself
in terms of numbers, took the detour of appropriating the leadership of the national-
Russian proletariat to succeed not only in ousting the former social and state
leadership from its position, but in exterminating it without further ado.
Yet for this reason in particular, the Russia of today is basically no
different from the Russia of two hundred or three hundred years ago. A brutal
dictatorship by a foreign race which has seized utter control of genuine Russentum
(Russian civilization) and is exercising that control commensurately.
To the extent that this process of forming a new state came to its
conclusion in Russia, one might be able to simply take cognizance of the fact
as a historic reality just as with any other similar situation, and leave it at
that. Yet now that this Jewish racial core is seeking to bring about the same
effects in other peoples and thereby views modern Russia as its already
conquered base and bridgehead for further expansion, this problem has exceeded
the dimensions of a Russian problem and become a world problem which will be
decided one way or another, because it must be decided.
While one part of the “Jewish fellow citizens” demobilizes democracy via
the influence of the press or even infects it with their poison by linking up
with revolutionary manifestations in the form of peoples’ fronts, the other
part of Jewry has already carried the torch of the Bolshevist revolution into
the midst of the bourgeois-democratic world without even having to fear any
substantial resistance. The final goal is then the ultimate Bolshevist
revolution, i.e. not, for example, consisting of the establishment of a
leadership of the proletariat by the proletariat, but of the subjugation of the
proletariat under the leadership of its new and alien master.
Once the incited, insane masses-gone wild and supported by the asocial
elements released from the prisons and penitentiaries-have exterminated the
natural, indigenous intelligence of the peoples and brought them to the
scaffolds to bleed to death, what will remain as the last bearer of-albeit
miserable- intellectual knowledge is the Jew. For one thing should be made
clear here: this race is neither spiritually nor morally superior, but in both
cases inferior through and through. For unscrupulousness and irresponsibility
can never be equated with a truly brilliant disposition. In terms of
creativity, it is an untalented race through and through. For this reason, if
it seeks to rule anywhere for any length of time, it is forced to undertake the
extermination of the former intellectual upper classes of the other peoples.
Otherwise it would naturally he defeated by their superior intelligence within
a very short time.
That is because, in everything that has to do with true accomplishment,
they have always been bunglers, and bunglers they will remain. In the past
year, we have shown in a series of alarming statistical proofs that, in the
present Soviet Russia of the proletariat, more than eighty percent of the
leading positions are held by Jews. This means that not the proletariat is the
dictator, but that very race whose Star of David has finally also become the
symbol of the so-called proletarian state.185 And incidentally, we have all experienced the same thing in Germany, too,
of course. Who were the leaders of our Bavarian soviet republic? Who were the
leaders of Spartakus? Who were the real financial backers and leaders of our
Communist Party? Now that is something even the most well-meaning Mister
World-Democrat can neither do away with nor change: it was none other than the
Jews! That is the case in Hungary, too, and in that part of Spain which the
truly Spanish people has not yet recaptured.
As you know, in Spain this Jewish Bolshevism proceeded in a similar fashion
starting with the detour of democracy up to open revolution. It is a crass
misrepresentation of the facts to claim, as is being done, that the Bolshevist
oppressors of the Volk there were vested with legal power, while the fighters
of national Spain were illegal revolutionaries.
No! We regard General Franco’s men as the genuine and above all lasting
Spain, and the usurpers of Valencia as the international revolutionary troop
hired by Moscow, a troop which today is ravaging Spain and tomorrow may be
ravaging a different state.
In England
and France, one professes to be worried about the idea that Spain might even be
occupied by Italy or Germany; we are just as appalled in the face of the
possibility that it might be conquered by Soviet Russia! By no means would this
conquest have to be effected in the form of an occupation by Soviet Russian
troops; rather, it will become a fait accompli at that moment when a
Bolshevized Spain has become a section, i.e. an integral component, of the
Central Bolshevist Office in Moscow-a branch which receives both its political
directives and its material subsidies from there. In any case, we principally
regard every attempt to further expand Bolshevism in Europe as a shift in the
European balance of power.
[…]
I am merely stating a fact! Therefore we have a serious interest in
preventing this Bolshevist plague from spreading even further in Europe. In
other respects, in the course of history we have naturally had a number of
confrontations with, for instance, national France. However, somehow and somewhere,
we still belong together in the great European family of peoples, most of all
when we all look deep into our innermost selves.
It is then I believe that, in essence, we do not really want to miss any of
the truly European civilized nations. We have each other to thank not only for
a certain amount of aggravation and suffering, but also for an incredible
crossfertilization.
We have given each other models, examples, and lessons-just as, on the
other hand, we have also given each other a certain amount of pleasure and many
things of beauty. If we are just, we have every reason to harbor mutual
admiration instead of hate! In this community of the civilized European
nations, international Jewish Bolshevism is a totally alien element which has
not the slightest contribution to make to our economy or to our culture, but
instead wreaks only havoc; which has not a single positive accomplishment to
show for itself in an international perspective on European and world life, but
merely propagandistic tables of forged figures and rabble-rousing posters.
Furthermore, to us Germans the thought that this Europe could be guided or
ruled by Moscow of all places is simply unbearable. The fact that, in other
countries, this type of presumptuousness is tolerated as a political demand, is
something which we can only register with astonishment and regret. For us, at
any rate, the mere idea of taking orders from a world so very far beneath us is
just as ridiculous as it is outrageous. Furthermore, the stated goal of an
uncivilized, Jewish-Bolshevist, international league of criminals to rule over
Germany-an established member-country of European civilization-from a base in
Moscow is yet another insult. Moscow can remain Moscow, and Soviet Russia can
remain Soviet Russia, for all we care. Our German capital is Berlin in any
case, and what is more: Germany, thank God, will always remain Germany! Thus
let no one allow himself to be deceived on one point: National Socialism has
banished the Bolshevist world menace from within Germany. It has ensured that
the scum of Jewish litterateurs alien to the Volk does not dictate over the
proletariat, i.e. the German worker, but that instead the German Volk finally
comprehends its own destiny and finds its own leadership. It has moreover made
our Volk and the Reich immune against Bolshevist contamination.
Apart from this, it will not shrink from countering any repetition of
former attacks from within on the sovereignty of our Volk with the most
determined means available. We National Socialists grew up fighting this foe.
It took us more than fifteen years to destroy it in Germany spiritually, weltanschaulicb,
and in point of fact. Neither countless murders and other acts of violence
it performed, nor the support it received from the Marxist rulers of the Reich
at the time were able to halt our triumphal march. Today we are keeping a close
and careful watch to ensure that such a menace will never again descend upon
Germany. Yet should anyone have the audacity to bring this menace to or into
Germany from without, may he bear in mind that the National Socialist state has
also produced the weapon with which it can crush such an attempt in the speed
of lightning.
The fact that we were good soldiers is something the world has certainly
not yet forgotten. The fact that today we are even better soldiers is something
they can take our word for. But the fact that the National Socialist state will
stand up and fight for its existence with a different zeal than the bourgeois
Reich of old is something no one should doubt! The age when the German Volk
suffered from parliamentary infirmity is over, to return no more. We all have
one great desire, that Fate might give us the necessary peace and all the time
to bring the inner regeneration and the work of our great inner reconstruction
to a close, and that means bringing it to a close in a Europe that has once
more come to its senses. It is not our intention to thrust our ideas or ideals
on anyone else; but let no one attempt to force his opinion upon us. Above all,
let the criminal Muscovite sovietism finally cease continuing to expand its
barbarism and, if possible, make us unhappy as well.
The age is over when one could unreasonably demand everything from a
defenseless Volk.
The bombs that fell on our armored ship not only hit the vessel-called Deutschland-but
also met with the response which, from now on, will be dealt out immediately in
answer to any such attempt.
Today it is so easy to admire the overall outcome, but so difficult to
sense how much work, sacrifice, industry, and initiative was required to reap
these results. What are a mere 100,000 men! They stood here group after group,
standard after standard, company after company, battalion after battalion, and
regiment after regiment. Behind them stand just as many millions of comrades and
soldiers, and all of this has been called to life and come to be in the space
of a few years, in part from out of nothing, from out of turmoil, and from out
of decay.
This tremendous demonstration alone is the result of immeasurable labors.
Now do you understand,
why, my Party Comrades, in the face of such brilliant products of human ability
and industry, we have given this celebration the name “Party Congress of
Labor”?
[…]
In a few short hours, the trains with their hundreds of thousands of
participants will roll back out into the German Gaus. The peasants and their
sons will return to their villages; workers, employees and civil servants will
return to their plants and their offices; the soldiers will report to the
barracks; youth will go to school-but all of them will think back with
throbbing hearts on this further great demonstration of the National Socialist
Party and the National Socialist State.
And they will take with them the proud feeling of having again been
witnesses of the internal and external uprising of their Volk. Yet may they be
conscious that therein a hope of millenniums and the prayer of many
generations, the confidence and faith of innumerable great men of our Volk have
finally achieved their historic realization. The German nation has been given
its Germanic Empire after all.
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