Mr. Churchill,
You will have the satisfaction to
survive me and my comrades in misfortune. I do not hesitate to congratulate you
on this personal triumph and the finesse with which you have accomplished it.
You have gone to great expense in order to secure this success, for yourself
and Great Britain. Should I believe you sufficiently naive as to consider this
success anything more than a show, detrimental to the Great German Empire, a
performance for the peoples and their Jewish and Bolshevist confederates which
were maneuvered by you into the war, then my statement to you during the last
hour of my life would also in the eyes of posterity be squandered upon an
undeserving one.
My pride as a German and as one of
the foremost responsible German leaders forbids me to lose even a single word
in a dispute of world-historical importance on the disgraceful lowliness of the
methods employed by the victors as far as these proceedings concern my own person.
However, as it is the obvious and
announced intention of their administration of the law to throw the very German
people into the abyss of illegality and to rob them once and for all of a
future possibility to defend themselves by the removal of the responsible men
of the National Socialist state, I have to add a few words to the historic
subject of the verdict, premeditated by you and your allies.
I direct these remarks to you, since
you are one of the best informed ones regarding the true underlying reasons for
this war and the possibility of avoiding the same; in at least a manner
bearable to the European future; and yet refused your testimony and your oath
to your own high court of justice.
Therefore, I shall not fail, while
there is still time, to call you before the tribunal of history and direct my
statements to you, because I know that this tribunal will expose you some day
as that man, who with ambition, intelligence and energy has thrown the fate of
the European nations under the heels of foreign world powers.
In you I identify before history the
man who had the ability to bring Adolf Hitler down and his political
accomplishments; the man who will, however, be unable to raise the shield
protectively against the invasion of Europe by the Asiatics.
It was your ambition to justify the
Versailles Treaty regarding Germany. It will prove fatal to you that you
succeeded. You personified the hardened obstinacy of your old gentry; and you
also personified the stubbornness of its old age, opposing the last gigantic
effort of the rejuvenated German power to decide the fate of Europe in the
steppes of Asia in order to safeguard the same in the future. Long after my
responsibility in the future development of events has found its objective
judge, it will be put to your account that the past bloody war has not been the
final one which had to be fought on the Continent for the very possibility of
the existence of its nations.
You will have to answer for the fact
that the bloody war of yesterday will be followed by a still greater one and
that the European nations will not rule at the Volga, but at the Pyrenees
mountains.
It is my fervent wish that you may
at least live to see the day on which the world, and the western nations in
particular, will become aware of the bitter truth that it was you and your
friend Roosevelt who sold the future to Bolshevism for a cheap personal triumph
over nationalistic Germany. This day may come sooner than you like, and you in
spite of your advanced age, will be vigorous enough to see it dawn bloody red
over the British Isles.
I am convinced that it will bring
you all those unimaginable terrors which you escaped this time through the good
luck of war; or through the abhorrence of the German conduct of war to a
complete degeneration of the methods of fighting of peoples of the same Race.
My knowledge regarding the kind and amount of arms and of projects from us,
which - thanks to your military assistance to the Red Army - have fallen into
their hands, enable me to form this supposition.
There is no doubt that you -
according to your habit - soon will write good memoirs and you will write them
the better, as there is nobody to hinder you to tell and suppress what you
like.
You believe it very clever to have
submitted this historic truth to the craftiness to a handful of ambitious
junior lawyers in order to have it changed into an expedient dialectic
treatise, in spite of your awareness as a Briton as well as a statesmen, that
with such means the problems of existence of peoples could not be solved and
judged; neither in the past nor in the future.
I have an only too well grounded
opinion of your power and the cunning of your intelligence to credit you with
believing the vulgar propaganda with which you motivated the war against us and
with which you have had your victory over us glorified in a fantastic show.
I state here with great emphasis as
one of the highest military, political and economic leaders of the Great German
Empire the following: This war could not be avoided because the politics of
Great Britain - under the influence of your person and of your friends of like
opinions in all fields - persisted constantly to hinder the life interests and
the most natural development of the German people; and - filled with the senile
ambition to uphold the British hegemony - preferred the Second World War to an
understanding, as we on our side had tried time and again to bring about,
beneficial to both of the most prominent nations of Europe.
I declare herewith once more and most
emphatically that the guilt of the German people in this war - into which they
were forced by you - consists solely in trying to end the eternal difficulties
to their national existence, which you artfully instigated and continued.
It would be useless to go with you
into any dispute over the causes, the conditions of restraint and the motives
which led during the course of the war to the political and military
complications and which your lawyers knew so well to use in a one-sided manner
at the cost of the National Socialist regime. The devastated regions of the
European culture and robbed treasures give still today testimony of your
embittered despair with which a great and proud people yesterday, with
unparalleled readiness to make sacrifices fought for its existence. Tomorrow
they will testify that alone the overpowering might, led by you in the field,
was able to cause the subjection and deprivation of their rights. The day after
tomorrow the Russians will bear witness to the betrayal, which surrendered
Europe to the red Asiatics.
The Germany which you conquered will
take revenge on you through its downfall. You have neither produced a better
politic nor shown a greater courage than we. You have not won the victory due
to better qualities or superiority of your strength or strategy, but merely
after six years with the predominance of your allies. Do not believe your
victory to be all that which you tell the world. You and your hand will soon
harvest the fruits of your political art. What you as an experienced Cynic will
not admit toward us - namely that our fight in the East was an act of urgent
self-defense, and not alone for Germany but for all of Europe; and that the
Germans fighting this war; which you constantly condemned, therefore was
justified. This, your ally and friend of today, Stalin, will soon prove to you
and the British Empire.
Then you will experience what it
means to fight this enemy and you will learn that necessity knows no law; also
that you can neither fight him successfully with treaties in law nor with the
weight of Great Britain and her European dwarfs.
You have stated to the German people
that you were primarily concerned with the restoration of their democratic mode
of life. But you have not said a single word that you want to restore to them
the sensible foundations of living, which have been denied to them these past
25 years. Your name stands under all essential documents of this epoch of
British want of comprehension and jealousy towards Germany. Your name will also
stand under the result with which this epoch of Germany's liquidation has
challenged history in lieu of Europe's existence.
My belief in the vitality of my
people cannot be shaken. They will be stronger and live longer than you.
However, it distresses me to know that defenseless in your power, they now also
belong to the luckless victims, who thanks to your success, do not approach a
future of progressive work for the realization of their common aim, set forth
by intelligence for the western peoples, but are driven towards the greatest
catastrophe in their common history.
I do not wish to argue about
outrages, which you rightly or wrongly ascribe to us and which neither agree
with nor the German peoples comprehension; neither do I wish to talk about
those atrocities which have been committed on your part and on the part of your
allies towards millions of Germans; for I know that you have made under this
pretext the entire German people the object of a collective outrage of a
proportion never known in history. I also know that you would not have acted
differently regarding your treatment of Germany without this pretence, because
since 1914 you have striven for nothing less than the destruction of the German
empire. This, your historic goal denies you the office of a judge over the
avoidable and unavoidable consequences caused by your unremitting intentions
and which were welcome to you as subsequent proof for the justification of your
actions. Today I regret my and the National Socialist Government's greatest
mistake, the fateful error to believe in your discernment as a statesman. I
regret to have trusted you with justifiability recognizing the world-political
necessity of a peaceful and progressive (prosperous) Germany for the existence
of a flourishing England. I regret that our means did not suffice to convince
you at the last moment that the liquidation of Germany would also be the
beginning of the liquidation of Britain's world power. We began to act - each
one according to his own law, I in line with the new one, for which this Europe
was already too old - you holding on to the old one, for which this Europe is
no longer anymore important enough in the world.
I shall know how to approach my end
in the absolute conviction as a German National Socialist and considering
everything else, to have been a better European than you. I leave the judgment
of this with an easy mind to posterity. I hope sincerely that you will belong
to this world for a long time to come as fate might grant you - as it has to me
- when you decline to leave the posterity also a truth.
- Herman Goering.
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