A Brief Synopsis
Sorce: http://www.wintersonnenwende.com/scriptorium/english/archives/articles/wrsynopsis.html
To understand
how the war in 1939 between Poland and Germany, and consequently WW2, unfolded,
it is not sufficient to look at - and accept - the widely-held view that
peace-loving and weak little Poland was attacked by an ever-marauding National
Socialist Germany. Rather, one must look much deeper into history.
This conflict which cost many
millions of lives did not originate with the German invasion of Poland on
September 1, 1939, as is still claimed today by over-simplifying historians. It
is not just a black-and-white story, but a complex one. It was also not caused
by the Polish mobilization of her army two days previous, on August 30, 1939,
although the mobilization of a country’s army, according to international
standards, is equal to a declaration of war on the neighboring country.
German-Polish relations are
even today poisoned by centuries-old, deep-seated hatred on the Polish side.
For centuries the Poles have been taught from early childhood on
that Germans were evil and
ought to be fought whenever there was a promise of success. Hate on such a
scale, as it was and still is promoted in Poland today against her westerly
neighbor, eventually leads to a chauvinism that knows few constraints. In
Poland, as in all countries, the respective elites use the means accessible to
them to shape public sentiment. Traditionally these elites have been the Polish
Catholic Church, writers, intellectuals, politicians and the press. For a balanced
understanding of the forces which moved Poland inexorably ever closer to the
war against Germany, it is essential to investigate the role these components
of the Polish society have played in the past. And it is fairly easy to find
abundant evidence for the above claim and to trace it from the present time
back into the distant past.
„Póki swiat swiatem, Polak
Niemcowi nie bedzie bratem.“ This is a Polish proverb, and
translated into English it means: „As long as the world will exist, the Pole
will never be the German’s brother.“1 While the
age of this proverb cannot be traced precisely, it is reflected by a recent
poll (1989) taken amongst students of three educational establishments in
Warsaw, where only four of 135 fourth-graders [ten-year-olds!] declared having
amicable feelings toward the German people. Half of the students questioned
considered the Germans to be cruel, spiteful and bloodthirsty. One of the
students wrote: „The Germans are as bad as wild animals. Such a people
oughtn’t even to exist. And now they even want to unite!“2
One year later, in 1990, the then Polish Prime Minister Lech Walesa made his
feelings towards his German neighbors publicly known: „I do not even shrink
from a statement that is not going to make me popular in Germany: if the
Germans destabilize Europe anew, in some way or other, then partition is no
longer what will have to be resorted to, but rather that country will have to
be erased from the map, pure and simple. East and West have at their disposal
the advanced technology necessary to carry this verdict out.“3
It can reasonably be assumed
that these remarks of a public figure like the Nobel Peace Prize laureate and
Polish president Lech Walesa reflect emotions that are very common in his
country. While the three samples of hateful Polish sentiments against Germans
were expressed in very recent times, there are many more outbursts of
chauvinistic feelings and intentions against Germans in the not too distant
past, only some 60 years ago. An example is this Polish slogan from
Litzmannstadt, January 1945: „Reich Germans pack your suitcases, ethnic Germans
buy your coffins!“4 It is especially important to
know this in order to fully understand what this writer proposes: namely, that
unrestricted expression of hate and disregard of the rights of others in
international affairs can lead to tragedies of unimaginable proportions.
Many years before the
differences between Germany and Poland escalated to the point of no return,
numerous diplomatic efforts were made by the German government to defuse the
ever more dangerous situation the two countries were facing. These efforts were
all rejected by Poland. One of them comes to mind: on January 6th, 1939, the
German Foreign Minister von Ribbentrop met with the Polish Foreign Minister
Josef Beck in Munich to discuss the differences between the two countries. Von
Ribbentrop proposed „the following solution: the return of Danzig to
Germany. In return, all of Poland’s economic interests in this region would be
guaranteed, and most generously at that. Germany would be given access to her
province of East Prussia by means of an extraterritorial highway and rail line.
In return, Germany would guarantee the Corridor and the entire Polish status,
in other words, a final and permanent recognition of each nation’s borders.“
Beck replied: „For the first time I am pessimistic...“ Particularly in the
matter of Danzig I see ‘no possibility of cooperation.’„5
The belligerent policy of the
Polish leadership was, and is of course, echoed by the public in that country.
It goes without saying that a diplomat cannot use the same language as the
little man at home can. The desired goal, however, is the same. It is the
destruction, and if need be, the extermination of the Germans as Mr. Walesa so
clearly stated. A leading role in forging the public view in Poland is that of
the Catholic Church. To read what she taught her followers is truly
blood-curdling. In 1922 the Polish Canon of Posen, prelate Kos, recited a song
of hate which he had borrowed from a 1902 drama by Lucjan Rydel, „Jency“ (The
Prisoners): „Where the German sets down his foot, the earth bleeds for 100
years. Where the German carries water and drinks, wells are foul for 100 years.
Where the German breathes, the plague rages for 100 years. Where the German
shakes hands, peace breaks down. He cheats the strong, he robs and dominates
the weak, and if there were a path leading straight to Heaven, he wouldn’t
hesitate to dethrone God Himself. And we would even see the German steal the
sun from the sky.“6 This is by no means a
single, individual case. On August 26th, 1920, the Polish pastor in Adelnau
said in a speech: „All Germans residing in Poland ought to be hanged.“7 And another Polish proverb: „Zdechly Niemiec,
zdechly pies, mala to roznica jest“ - „A croaked German, is a croaked dog,
is just a small difference“.8
Here is the text of another
Polish-Catholic war song which was sung in 1848 at the Pan-Slavic Congress in
Prague:
„Brothers, take up your scythes! Let us hurry to
war!
Poland’s oppression is over, we shall tarry no more.
Gather hordes about yourselves. Our enemy, the German, shall fall!
Loot and rob and burn! Let the enemies die a painful death.
He that hangs the German dogs will gain God’s reward.
I, the provost, promise you shall attain Heaven for it.
Every sin will be forgiven, even well-planned murder,
If it promotes Polish freedom everywhere.
But curses on the evil one who dares speak well of Germany to us.
Poland shall and must survive. The Pope and God have promised it.
Russia and Prussia must fall. Hail the Polish banner!
So rejoice ye all: Polzka zyje, great and small!“9
Poland’s oppression is over, we shall tarry no more.
Gather hordes about yourselves. Our enemy, the German, shall fall!
Loot and rob and burn! Let the enemies die a painful death.
He that hangs the German dogs will gain God’s reward.
I, the provost, promise you shall attain Heaven for it.
Every sin will be forgiven, even well-planned murder,
If it promotes Polish freedom everywhere.
But curses on the evil one who dares speak well of Germany to us.
Poland shall and must survive. The Pope and God have promised it.
Russia and Prussia must fall. Hail the Polish banner!
So rejoice ye all: Polzka zyje, great and small!“9
Not only did these „Christian“
priests excel in rhetoric aimed at cultivating deadly hate against Germans
during the pre-1939 years, they also prayed in their churches, „O wielk wojn
ludów prosimy Cie, Panie! (We pray to you for the great War of Peoples, oh
Lord!)“10
Later, when their wishes came
true, they actively participated in murdering unsuspecting German soldiers. „...Cardinal
Wyszynski confirmed the fact ‘that during the war there was not one single
Polish priest who did not fight against the Germans with a weapon in his hand.’
The war lasted only three short weeks, the German occupation lasted several
years. This explains the extraordinary high number of priest-partisans who even
were joined by bishops.“11 Further back in
history, we find that „The Archbishop of Gnesen, around the turn of the 13th
century, had the habit of calling the Germans ‘dog heads’. He criticized a
bishop from Brixen that he would have preached excellently, had he not been a
dog-head and a German.“12
To fully understand the
implications that this and other hateful utterances about Germans have on the
Polish psyche, one has to know that ‘dog’ is an abusive name that would be hard
to top as insult to a German. It is obvious that through this centuries-long
conditioning of the common people of Poland by the Catholic hierarchy, from the
bishops down to the lowliest clergymen, Polish literature and the press would
not be far behind in duplicating the still-continuing vilification of Germans.
And indeed there is a plethora of well-documented hostile charges. In his Mythos vom Deutschen in
der polnischen Volksüberlieferung und Literatur, Dr. Kurt Lück from Posen
explored this propensity to malign Germans. I will repeat here only a few examples in order
to illustrate how deeply the Poles are influenced by their elites. In his novel
Grazyna, which is used in Polish schools as a learning tool, Mickiewicz
uses terms like „psiarnia Krzyzakow“ - the dog-pack of the Teutonic
Knights . In his novel Pan Tadeusz he writes of „all district
presidents, privy councillors, commissaries and all dog-brothers“, and in
his book Trzech Budrysow he writes of „Krzyxacy psubraty“ - „Knights
of the Cross, the dog brothers“. Henryk Sienkiewicz, in his novel Krzyzacy
(Knights of the Cross), repeatedly uses the abusive term „dog-brothers“.
Jan Kochanowski, in his Proporzec (1569), calls the German Knights of
the Cross „pies niepocigniony“: unsurpassable dogs. K. Przerwa-Tetmajer,
in the short story „Nefzowie“: „The German manufacturer is called by the Polish
workers rudy pies - red-haired dog.“13
It is not difficult to imagine
how this perversion of civilized human conduct eventually must lead to a
Fascist mentality that was also present in the Polish media. They did not mince
words when it came to arousing public fanaticism without restrictions when it
was time to go to war against Germany. They were the ultimate instrument for
instilling in the public the view that Poland was the peerless power that would
chasten Germany by defeating her in a few days. Characteristic of this was, for
example, an oil painting that showed Marshal Rydz-Smigly, the Polish
commander-in-chief, riding on horseback through the Brandenburg Gate in Berlin.14 This painting was found by German troops in the
Presidential Palace in Warsaw and was not even completely dry. When war finally
came, the Germans in Polish territory suffered terribly. They had to bear the
unspeakable hate of the Poles. Some 35,000 of them(German authorities then
claimed 58,000 murdered Germans!) were murdered, often under the most bestial
circumstances. Dr. Kurt Lück (op.cit.) writes on page 271: „Poles had thrown
dead dogs into many of the graves of murdered ethnic Germans. Near Neustadt in
West Prussia, the Poles slashed open the belly of a captured German officer,
tore out his intestines and stuffed a dead dog inside. This report is reliably
documented.“15 And a German mother grieves for
her sons. She writes on October 12th, 1939: „Oh, but that our dear boys
[her sons] had to die such terrible deaths. 12 people were lying in the
ditch, and all of them had been cruelly beaten to death. Eyes gouged out,
skulls smashed, heads split open, teeth knocked out... little Karl had a hole
in his head, probably from a stabbing implement. Little Paul had the flesh torn
off his arms, and all this while they were still alive. Now they rest in a mass
grave of more than 40, free at last of their terror and pain. They have peace
now, but I never shall...“16 And between 1919
and 1921 400,000 ethnic Germans fled their homes and crossed the German border
in order to save their lives.
I personally once knew a
German who told me that after serving in the German army he was drafted into
the Polish army after 1945, and that the Poles destroyed German cemeteries and
looted the graves in order to get at the golden wedding bands the corpses were
still wearing.
What can one say of the hate
that speaks from the pages of one of the more popular papers, the largest
Polish newspaper Ilustrowany Kurjer Codzienny, which appeared on April 20th,
1929, in Cracow? „Away with the Germans behind their natural border! Let’s
get rid of them behind the Oder!“ „Silesian Oppeln is Polish to the core; just
as all of Silesia and all of Pomerania were Polish before the German onslaught!“17
„To absorb all of East Prussia
into Poland and to extend our western borders to the Oder and Neisse rivers,
that is our goal. It is within reach, and at this moment it is the Polish
people’s great mission. Our war against Germany will make the world pause in
amazement.“18
„There will be no peace in
Europe until all Polish lands shall have been restored completely to Poland,
until the name Prussia, being that of a people long since gone, shall have been
wiped from the map of Europe, and until the Germans have moved their capital
Berlin farther westwards.“19
On October 1923, Stanislaus
Grabski, who later was to become Minister of Public Worship and Instruction,
announced: „We want to base our relations on love, but there is one kind of
love for one’s own people and another kind for strangers. Their percentage is
decidedly too high here. Posen [which had been given to Poland after the
First World War] can show us one way to reduce that percentage from 14% or
even 20% to 1½%. The foreign element will have to see if it would not be better
off elsewhere. The Polish land is exclusively for the Poles!“20
„(The Germans in Poland) are
intelligent enough to realize that in the event of war no enemy on Polish soil
will get away alive... The Führer is far away, but the Polish soldiers are
close, and in the woods there is no shortage of branches.“21
„We are ready to make a pact
with the devil if he will help us in the battle against Germany. Hear - against
Germany, not just against Hitler. In an upcoming war, German blood will be
spilled in rivers such as all of world history has never seen before.“22
„Poland’s decision of August 30,
1939 that was the basis for general mobilization marked a turning point in the
history of Europe. It forced Hitler to wage war at a time when he hoped to gain
further unbloody victories.“23
Heinz Splittgerber, in his
short book Unkenntnis oder Infamie?, quotes a number of Polish sources
which reflect the atmosphere in Poland immediately before the hostilities
commenced. On August 7th, 1939 the Ilustrowany Kurjer featured an
article „which described with provocative effrontery how military units were
continually foraying across the border into German territory in order to
destroy military installations and to take weapons and tools of the German
Wehrmacht back to Poland. Most Polish diplomats and politicians understood that
Poland’s actions would perforce lead to war. Foreign Minister Beck...
tenaciously pursued the bloodthirsty plan of plunging Europe into another great
war, since it would presumably result in territorial gains for Poland.“24 He goes on to cite some 14 incidents where Polish
soldiers aggressively crossed the border, destroying houses, shooting and
killing German farmers and customs officers. One of them: „August 29th: „State
Police Offices in Elbing, Köslin and Breslau, Main Customs Office in Beuthen
and Gleiwitz: Polish soldiers invade Reich German territory, attack against
German customs house, shots taken at German customs officials, Polish machine
guns stationed on Reich German territory.“25
These and many more are the
things one must take into account before making the fallacious accusation that
Germany was the one to have started WW2. The following quotations are added
here to show that not only Poland was bent on war against Germany, but also her
ally Great Britain (and France). Although it is still widely believed that
Prime Minister Neville Chamberlain on September 29th, 1938 (Munich) honestly
tried for peace, one has to consider the possibility that his real goals were
somewhat different. Only five months later, on February 22nd, 1939, he let the
cat out of the bag when he said in Blackburn: „... During the past two days
we have discussed the progress of our arms build-up. The figures are indeed
overwhelming, perhaps even to such an extent that the people are no longer able
even to comprehend them.... Ships, cannons, planes and ammunition are now pouring
out of our dock yards and factories in an ever-increasing torrent...“26
Max Klüver writes: „Of the
considerable body of evidence that gives cause to doubt whether Chamberlain
actually wanted peace, one noteworthy item is a conversation [after Hitler’s
address to the Reichstag on April 28th,1939, W.R.] between Chamberlain’s chief
advisor Wilson, and Göring’s colleague Wohlthat... When Wohlthat, taking his
leave, again stressed his conviction that Hitler did not want war, Wilson’s
answer was indicative of the fundamental British attitude that could not be a
basis for negotiations between equals: ‘I said that I was not surprised to
hear him say that as I had thought myself that Hitler cannot have overlooked
the tremendous increases which we have made in our defensive and offensive
preparations, including for instance the very large increase in our Air Force.’„27
And on April 27th, 1939,
England mobilized her armed forces. Heinz Splittgerber quotes Dirk Bavendamm, Roosevelts
Weg zum Krieg (Ullstein-Verlag, Berlin 1989, p. 593), who writes: „Since
England had never yet introduced universal conscription during peacetime, this
alone virtually amounted to a declaration of war against Germany. From 1935 to 1939
(before the outbreak of the war) England’s annual expenditure on war materials
had increased more than five-fold.“28
In 1992 and 1993, Max Klüver,
another German historian, spent five weeks in the Public Record Office in
London searching through documents which, after fifty years of being hidden
from public scrutiny, were now open to researchers. He writes in his book Es
war nicht Hitlers Krieg: „How little the British cared about Danzig and the
allegedly endangered Polish independence is also shown by the following brief
prepared for Colonel Beck’s visit of April 3 [1939]. The brief states: ‘Danzig
is an artificial structure, the maintenance of which is a bad casus belli.
But it is unlikely that the Germans would accept less than a total solution of
the Danzig question except for a substantial quid pro quo which could hardly be
less than a guarantee of Poland’s neutrality.“ But such a deal would be a bad
bargain for England. „It would shake Polish morale, increase their
vulnerability to German penetration and so defeat the policy of forming a bloc
against German expansion. It should not therefore be to our interest to suggest
that the Poles abandon their rights in Danzig on the ground that they are not
defensible.“29 Klüver concludes: „So there we have
it clearly stated: in the own British interest, the matter of Danzig must not
be solved and peace preserved. The British guarantee to Poland, however, had
reinforced the Polish in their stubbornness and made them completely obdurate
where any solution to the Danzig question was concerned.“30
The American Professor Dr. Burton Klein, a Jewish economist, wrote in his book Germany’s
Economic Preparations for War: „Germany produced butter as well as ‘cannons’,
and much more butter and much fewer cannons than was generally assumed.“31 And again: „The overall state of the German war
economy ... was not that of a nation geared towards total war, but rather that
of a national economy mobilized at first only for small and locally restricted
wars and which only later succumbed to the pressure of military necessity after
it had become an incontrovertible fact. For instance, in the fall of 1939 the
German preparations for provision with steel, oil and other important raw
materials were anything but adequate for an intense engagement with the Great
Powers.“32 One only has to compare Mr. Klein’s
observations with what Mr. Bavendamm wrote about the British preparations for a
major war at the same time, and the blurred picture that is painted by
historians becomes much more transparent: the Germans were not the ones to
provoke WW2.
Besides Chamberlain, there
were others in influential and powerful positions in England who were much more
outspoken about their wishes. Winston Churchill, for instance, said before the
House of Commons on October 5th, 1938: „... but there can never be friendship
between the British democracy and the Nazi power, that Power which spurns
Christian ethics, which cheers its onwards course by a barbarous paganism,
which vaunts the spirit of aggression and conquest, which derives strength and
perverted pleasure from persecution, and uses, as we have seen, with pitiless
brutality the threat of murderous force.“33
Hitler, of course, knew this
very well. In Saarbrücken, on October 9th, 1938 he said: „...All it
would take would be for Mr. Duff Cooper or Mr. Eden or Mr. Churchill to come to
power in England instead of Chamberlain, and we know very well that it would be
the goal of these men to immediately start a new world war. They do not even
try to disguise their intents, they state them openly...“34
As we all know, the British
government under Chamberlain gave Poland the guarantee that England would come
to its aid if Poland should be attacked. This was on March 31st, 1939. Its
purpose was to incite Poland to escalate its endeavors for war against Germany.
It happened as planned: England declared war on Germany on September 3rd, 1939,
but not on the Soviet Union who also attacked Poland, and this is proof enough
that it was England’s (and Chamberlain’s) intention in the first place to make
war on Germany. Thus WW2 was arranged by a complicity between Britain and
Poland. It was not Hitler’s war, it was England’s and Poland’s war. The
Poles were merely the stooges. Some of them knew it too - Jules Lukasiewicz,
the Polish ambassador to Paris, for instance, who on March 29th, 1939 told his
foreign minister in Warsaw:
„It is childishly naive and
also unfair to suggest to a nation in a position like Poland, to compromise its
relations with such a strong neighbour as Germany and to expose the world to
the catastrophe of war, for no other reason than to pander to the wishes of
Chamberlain’s domestic policies. It would be even more naive to assume that the
Polish government did not understand the true purpose of this manoeuver and its
consequences.“35
Sixty years have passed since
Poland got her wish. Germany lost large additional areas to Poland. Today these
regions can hardly be compared to what they originally were. Houses, farms, the
infrastructure, agriculture, even the dikes of the Oder river are decaying.
Financial help from Germany goes to Poland as if nothing had happened between
the two countries. The 2,000,000 Germans still remaining in Poland are largely
forgotten by their brothers in the west. They now suffer the same fate as other
Germans did in Poland in earlier times: „In earlier times the aim was already
to eradicate all things German. For instance, in the 18th century, the Catholic
Germans from Bamberg who had followed their Bishop and immigrated to Poland
after the plague were forcibly Polonized; they were denied German church
services, German confession and the German catechism, and were reeducated to
become Poles. By the time of the First World War these Germans from Bamberg had
become so thoroughly Polonized that despite their traditional Bamberg costumes,
which they still wore and for which they were still called ‘Bamberki’, they
could no longer speak German.“36
Not only is today’s German
minority in Poland in danger of losing its identity; the same happened even to
famous Germans of the past. Veit Stoss, who was born in Nuremberg and died
there too, is now called Wit Stwosz, only because in 1440 in Cracow he created
the famous high altar in the Marienkirche, 13 meters (39 feet) high and
entirely carved from wood. Nikolaus Kopernikus, the famous German astronomer,
is now called Mikolaj Kopernik. He lived in Thorn, never spoke a word of
Polish, and published his works in Latin. His ancestors were all Germans. The
last names of the surviving Germans have been Polonized: Seligman(n), a name
also common in the English-speaking world, would now be Swienty! No comparable
phenomenon exists in Germany. Poles who immigrated to Germany generations ago
still bear their Polish names, and nobody pressures them to change them. They
are considered Germans, and they are.
As this map shows, Polish
chauvinism literally knows no bounds. The world went through the Second World
War largely because of Poland and her taste for lands that belong to others.
Some of her aspirations she accomplished in 1945, but this map suggests that
there may still be more to Polish desires. Even today’s Czechia and Slovakia
are on the list. As Adam Mickiewicz wrote: „But each of you has in his soul
the seeds of the future rights and the extent of the future frontiers.“
As far as I as German am
concerned, I wholeheartedly agree with what Freda Utley wrote in 1945 after she
visited destroyed Germany:
„War propaganda has obscured
the true facts of history, otherwise Americans might realize that the German
record is no more aggressive, if as aggressive, as that of the French, British
and Dutch who conquered huge empires in Asia and Africa while the Germans
stayed at home composing music, studying philosophy, and listening to their
poets. Not so long ago the Germans were, in fact, among the most ‘peace-loving’
peoples of the world and might become so again, given a world in which it is
possible to live in peace.
„Mistaken as the Boeklers of
Germany may be in believing that concessions can be won from the Western powers
by negotiation, their attitude proves the willingness of many Germans to trust
to peaceful means to obtain their ends.“37
Notes:
3Lech Walesa, Polish Prime
Minister and Peace Nobel Prize laureate, as quoted from an interview published
April 4, 1990 in the Dutch weekly Elsevier.
5Charles Tansill, Die Hintertür zum Kriege,
p. 551, quoted in Hans Bernhardt, Deutschland im Kreuzfeuer großer Mächte,
p. 229, Preußisch Oldendorf: Schütz, 1988.
8Else Löser, Das Bild des Deutschen in der
polnischen Literatur, p. 12, Kaiserslautern: self-pub., 1983.
14Dr. Heinrich Wendig, Richtigstellungen zur
Zeitgeschichte, #2, pp. 31, 33, Tübingen: Grabert, 1991.
18Mocarstwowice, Polish newspaper, November 5th,
1930, quoted in Kanada Kurier, September 2nd, 1999.
19Henryk Baginski, Poland and
the Baltic, Edinburgh 1942. Quoted in Bolko Frhr. v. Richthofen, Kriegsschuld 1939-1941, p. 81,
Kiel: Arndt, 1994.
20Gotthold Rhode, Die Ostgebiete des Deutschen Reiches,
p. 126, Würzburg 1956. Quoted in Hugo Wellems, Das Jahrhundert der Lüge, p. 116, Kiel:
Arndt, 1989.
21Henryk Baginski, Poland and
the Baltic, Edinburgh 1942. Quoted in Bolko Frhr. v. Richthofen, op.cit.
(Note 19), p. 81.
22Depsza, Polish newspaper on August 20th,
1939. Quoted from Dr. Conrad Rooster, Der Lügenkreis und die deutsche
Kriegsschuld, 1976.
23Kazimierz Sosnkowski, Polish
General and Minister-in-Exile, August 31st, 1943. Quoted in Bolko Frhr. v.
Richthofen, op.cit. (Note 19), p. 80.
24Heinz Splittgerber, Unkenntnis
oder Infamie? Darstellungen und Tatsachen zum Kriegsausbruch 1939, pp. 12-13.
Quoted from Oskar Reile, Der deutsche Geheimdienst im Zweiten Weltkrieg,
Ostfront, pp.278, 280 f., Augsburg: Weltbild, 1990.
26Foreign Ministry, Berlin 1939,
Deutsches Weißbuch No. 2, document 242, p. 162. Quoted in Hans
Bernhardt, op.cit. (Note 5), p. 231.
31Burton H. Klein, Germany’s
Economic Preparations for War, vol. CIX, Cambridge, Mass., 1959. Quoted in:
Joachim Nolywaika, Die Sieger im Schatten ihrer Schuld, p. 54,
Rosenheim: Deutsche Verlagsgesellschaft, 1994.
33Winston Churchill, Into
Battle, Speeches 1938-1940, pp. 81,84. Quoted in: Udo Walendy, Truth for
Germany, p. 53, Vlotho: Verlag für Volkstum und Zeitgeschichtsforschung, 1981.
34Foreign Ministry, Berlin 1939,
Deutsches Weissbuch No. 2, document 219, p. 148. Quoted in Max Domarus, Hitler-Reden
und Proklamationen, vol. I, p. 955.
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