Sunday 9 February 2020

Adolf Hitler – speech for the 20-th anniversary of the NSDAP - 24.02.1940


Munich, February 24, 1940

My German folk comrades!

20 years ago, I spoke for the first time in this hall before the broadest public. What led me here, was the hardest and most fanatical decision of my life.

If today, after 20 years, I now see many of my oldest co-fighters of back then around me, if I now again stand in their circle, then this alone is already something amazing. I namely do not know how many politicians there are in the democratic lands, who after 20 years - as I see - could again step before their first followers. And when I entered this hall back then, I did not come, as is known to you, after all, from whatever pacifist club. I was still a soldier back then, hence still belonged to the German armed forces, and was a soldier body and soul. What had led me here was the protest of my soldierly feeling in a time that one can probably designate as the time of the deepest degradation of our German folk.

A collapse had come upon our folk back then, which was without example in history already because the so-called vanquished did not have a victor at all, after all. We had become the victims of a tremendous world swindle. But we were not totally alone in that, for the others, after all, were also swindled. One swindled the Italians back then, one swindled the Indians; one had promised them that, if they wanted to stand up for England, then they would get freedom afterward. One swindled the Arabs back then; one had assured them that they would then get a large Arab empire. But one also swindled the Jews back then, by the way, whom one right off promised the same region that one already promised to the Arabs. But one also swindled one’s own folks. In all these so-called victor states, their own folks did not get what they expected back then. For now, after all, an age of justice was supposed to come. Just that within these nations as well, justice, social justice as well, has remained absent.

But one swindled our German folk the most, ft was an idiotic trust that our German folk put in the promises of these opponents, in the promises that even today ring so in all our ears, all the more so, after all, as we today now again hear them in part. A new world is supposed to be established, a world of equal rights, a world in which there should be only more justice as the sole life-determining power or force, a world in which one would hence no longer require any weapons, a world in which eternal peace would hence reign, in which a League of Nations was supposed to make people happy etc. etc...

The German folk put down its arms on the basis of these promises, which were summarized in 14 points. If one later said: Yes, you would not have needed to do that, after all, you had been defeated, after all - why did one promise us the 14 points back then and then solemnly further declare that one would also uphold them? One simply did not defeat us. The German folk was swindled back then in its faith in the possibility of a new order in the world. The result of this swindle was then later Spa, and finally the result was Versailles. And then a new world order did emerge, namely the world order of the so- called victors and the world order of the vanquished, whereby the victors possessed all rights and the vanquished had no rights at all. Germany itself was defeated, hence without rights. It was without rights, however, because it was also without weapons, after all. And everything that came later was based on this defenselessness. We had no strong Reich power. It was replaced by a parliamentarian democracy. This parliamentarian-democratic Germany of back then was a paradise, that must be admitted - just not for the German folk. It was paradise for the Jews, for all crooks, for all speculators, for all swindlers, for all interest group representatives. Fine and well, for all conceivable elements in our folk, just not paradise for the German folk itself.

The other world, which had shaped this democracy, itself in no way also granted this democracy equal rights, rather, quite the opposite, this democracy was treated like it also deserved in the end, after all. A hell for decent people, for all decent, productive people and, above all, for all honest and upright people.

And the master of this state, back then it was that international finance clique, finance plutocracy, which today as well still governs in most folks and which, after all, today as well fights again in order to continue to preserve its regime.

The German national economy could only decay under such conditions. You still remember this time of creeping inflation, which gradually got worse and worse. One crisis led to the next back then. Each crisis was again the beginning of another one. One collapse caused additional collapses. So did that time begin, in which actually in our German land everybody fought against each other, all were in conflict against all, the time in which any authority had decayed, in which the folk as well, however, had for its part naturally lost trust in any authority, the time of the Weimar state of parties. 46 parties and groups fought for the representation of the interests of the German folk.

The result of this division in the interior was an increasing impotence toward the outside; the result of that again Germany’s increasing disenfranchisement, and the result of that finally the increasing looting of our folk. What we had to pay in these years in so-called reparations went far beyond anything previously seen as possible at all. The era of a downright crazy capitalist insanity came. A nation is burdened with political debts that cannot be paid off. One finally still issues economic credits in order to be able to pay of the political debts, and along this path gradually transforms the political debt into an economic debt, of which one presumably presumed, that - this corresponds to the whole thinking of these forces back then - they would be viewed as more sacred than just political debt. The result of this again was the destruction of our financial foundations, the devaluation of our money and thus a new injury to the whole of German economic life. Finally, nothing else was left than a slave folk, a slave folk in the service of international exploiters, who in part sat in Germany itself, for the large part had their offices outside of Germany.

Back then, there were very many who, in view of this total decay in all areas of the collapse, of all of faith and of trust etc., now thought the end had now come for the German nation. I was of a different view back then. What seemed to many the end, was in my eyes actually just the beginning. For what was broken in reality back then? Broken were untenable forms, forms, which, in the long run, would have no longer been able to survive. The bourgeois-capitalist world had collapsed. Its era had simply outlived itself. In some form, this collapse must come everywhere, and it will remain absent nowhere. But this collapse struck us back then during a foreign affairs horrible crisis and with just as terrible consequences. Only there is no doubt that this time back then, this era would not have been able to survive in the long run even so. But we apparently had a Reich. But this Reich was no longer the house for a folk, rather it was the playground for quarreling interest groups. Proletariat and bourgeoisie, class consciousness on the one side, class pride on the other side. In addition, a purely formal federal constitution, a changeling between monarchy and parliamentarian constitution, not capable of life. The Reich, furthermore, dissolved into federal states, of which each individual one had the possibility at any opportunity, through its vote or through its veto, to immediately again hamper the most necessary decisions. And, in the long run, a totally untenable state construction. It was self-evident that precisely our folk, with its dense settlement in Central Europe, was presented with very great tasks. The solution of these tasks demanded a regime’s authority. It required a united public opinion. Only then did it become possible to solve these problems, if behind the decisions of the regime, of the government, stood the united will of the folk. That was no longer conceivable at all back then. Sooner or later, this condition had to break and make way for another one.

The bourgeois class state was present back then. Its antipode, the proletarian class state, announced itself. On the one side stood a bourgeois thought patriotic nationalism, on the other an international thought Marxist socialism. In the long run, both these worlds could not exist next to each other at all, after all. Either one of both had to triumph or both had to perish. For it was quite clear, after all, that both these worlds claimed the nation for itself and that they themselves no longer had any intention at all to make concessions for reconciliation to the other side. But it was furthermore clear that, over the course of decades, both worlds had already become old and internally fragile. One could no longer hope that the bourgeois world of back then would still be able to summon up the strength, say, to absorb the socialist masses and thereby reconstruct in the interior. But just as little could one still expect that the likewise already aged Marxist parties in Germany now would be able to summon up the strength, say, to win the bourgeoisie. And that was natural, after all, that, in our densely settled region, a revolution could not end with the annihilation of the other part, rather only with the winning of the other part. That was already impossible for both groups back then. A change of this condition was unavoidable.

Hence if one pondered things back then, then one could only come to the realization that much was broken. Only they were more external formal things that broke. Broken, for example, is the monarchist state form. The German folk can live without it, it will live better without it. It was broken, the shredded state of back then. The German folk will live better without this division, which one classified in part as federalism and in part differently. It was broken back then, our bourgeois social order. The German folk could not live with it in the long run at all. But it was broken economically as well, a world of concepts, even if initially nothing yet took its place, rather only chaos. Only these concepts in themselves were not set for eternity. The decisive thing was one thing: In this time, when so many external formal institutions were broken, the German human being in himself was not broken, for he had just previously performed - I must already say it - his masterpiece in world history. A performance that no folk on earth had previously managed. In a four-year fight, this folk had withstood 26 states, and it was then defeated only through lie and deceit. If back then there had not been Germans in the interior who, trusting in foreign countries, had turned against their own regime, then even back then England and France - they would not have triumphed. Imagine if back then a certain Adolf Hitler instead of German musketeer had been German Reich Chancellor, do you imagine that these idols of the international democracies would have triumphed? They had it easy. They were opposed by only really quite inferior manifestations in Germany. These manifestations failed. They were overthrown. The German folk had nothing at all to do with that inwardly. In four years World War, the German folk proved its highest verification, produced the evidence of unprecedented strength.

And if back then I appeared as bearer of a new political idea in this state, then I appeared as the representative of this German folk living on unknown in millions of individual beings. And one thing was quite clear to me back then: If the old Reich was broken, if the old parties were broken, if the old social strata had found their end, then a new world simply had to replace them. And this new world could in Germany only be the world of the German folk itself. In place of the old class state had to come the German folk Reich, the German folk state. The Reich idea had to be taken from the hands of the previous representatives, and it had to be given into the loyal hands of the German folk. The folk itself had to be elevated to the guardian of the German Reich idea. Once the Reich was formed, expressly characterized in the proclamation according to the will of the princes. And now this new Reich had to emerge according to the will of the folk. If one appealed to this folk, then it had to become possible to mobilize immeasurable energies. For that the folk possessed the strength, the great war had proven that, after all. Hence a folk state had to come.

And it was proclaimed 20 years ago in the evening back then in this hall here. The program was nothing else than the program of the construction of the new German folk Reich. It was the theses of the national uprising. And the bearing thing, the bearing realization that laid in these theses, was the following: that both most elemental forces of the time: nationalism and socialism, had to be subjected to a new definition and that from this definition both theses had to be purged into a single one.

Both ideas had to be reshaped into a single idea and could then be the bearer of a new force, a force that could one day make the Reich great, free and powerful again. The folk now had to be and determine meaning and content of this new struggle. Not only the political struggle had to be waged for the folk, rather also economic work performed. All cultural political activity had to contribute to its preservation. Those are only a very few principles, which nonetheless in themselves become a tremendous revolution, a revolution of mighty ideas, mighty renewals, severest interventions, tremendous upheavals, but also, as I was convinced back then, gigantic successes.

Back then, the struggle against the internal enemies began. And you, my fellow fighters, you know I did not enter this struggle as a pacifist. I certainly did not want to wage a fight in the interior, if it was not necessary. But I have also trained you all, if necessary, to look every fight in the eye and to take it upon yourself without further ado.

I also took the view back then: It is best, if I regulate the necessities of life in our folk on the basis of agreements, on the basis of insight, this means, along the path of peaceful agreements. But if somebody now tries to hamper or hinder this peaceful development with force, then I will meet him with force. Those were the principles that dominated back then in our struggle and that did not leave us for 13 years; similar as in another land, in Italy, where, after all, the same world of ideas came to triumphant breakthrough with the same means.

This struggle lasted 13 years back then. The work that was done in these 13 years, what these years held in cares, efforts, in progress in detail and also in setbacks, you know that, my old party comrades, best of all, after all. You experienced that, after all, in these long years of struggle from the very small group, since we started with so very few people, after all, how difficult that was, how one slowly had to go ever farther, from one rally to the next, from the city to the countryside and from the province, from the village, again to the market spots and then again into the smaller cities, how we slowly expanded beyond our Bavaria and gradually began to fertilize the rest of the

Reich, and so how the movement gradually began to spread across all of Germany. A huge struggle for power; initially the struggle with the means that back then alone promised to lead to victory. Struggle for power in the state in itself. It was the revolutionary era of our movement. In the year 1923, a terrible setback. And then came the legal period. There was fighting again with legal means, until finally, after 13 years, victory came. After 13 years, our internal opponents were lying on the ground. Everything that opposed us back then, our Jewry, our plutocrats, our cowardly opportunists who are everywhere a thing gradually shapes up well, our political and economic interest group representatives, all our parties, our classes, our professions, our provincial parliaments etc., the unions and the entrepreneur associations etc., all that was gradually forced to the ground. And when we came to power, we actually only needed to carry out the verdict already become historical.

The German folk has been gradually educated in the party, in the movement. In 1933, the time now began in which we now had to achieve everything that we had proclaimed, preached or promised in countless rallies. And if someone is fair here, then he cannot dispute here as well that since this time a miracle has taken place in Germany. What has been performed in these few years in reform work in all areas! What have we achieved in economic reconstruction activity! How have our cities begun to blossom! How has German cultural life ascended! This city here, after all, is proof, living proof for the new blossoming of German art. What a huge work have we performed in the field of the organizational structuring of our folk! What has happened since then in the purging of the individual professions, of the individual classes! What have we done in the education of our offspring, in the training of our youth! What have we done in the escalation of our folk’s performance capacity! The millions of unemployed have disappeared. If some democratic idiot says we, we simply should not have rearmed, rather instead of rearming - we should have simply worked! We can only say to this idiot: We have done that! For before we came, there was no rearming, but Germany had seven million unemployed, and these unemployed had nothing to eat. And we then integrated these unemployed into the economic progress. And we did not want to rearm at all, but when we saw that these old war agitators, the old envious people of once again made preparations to attack us, then I rearmed Germany, and indeed armed like never before in its history.

A construction of gigantic proportions has been accomplished. If I imagine all these so-called international statesmen of the democracies, who today make fancy speeches in Europe, if I imagine these people and view their life work, then I can really say: I have always just had the misfortune to have had to fight against nothing but zeroes - inside and outside. The people dominate the largest portion of the whole earth and are not even in the position to eliminate unemployment in their own lands. And these old, totally calcified zeroes talk of the necessary new construction of Europe. Yes, that, my folk comrades, reminds me of the manner of speech of our own democrats, these old, toothless gentlemen who walked around among us and also preached of the necessary new construction of Germany. The new construction has set in - but without them! And the new construction of the world will also set in, and also without them!

In these seven years I have naturally had to wage a struggle for the freedom of my folk and hence against Versailles. For that is self-evident, after all, that, in the slave chains of Versailles, also any economic resurrection of the German folk would have been impossible.

But it is not so much about the struggle against the paragraph work of Versailles, rather, beyond that, it is about the struggle against a principle, against a mental state, which had found its documented expression in the Versailles dictate. This principle and this mental state that roots in the idea that two or three folks are chosen by the dear Lord to rule the whole world and that, if a folk does not submit to this rule, that one then has the right to say: this folk wants to rule the world. That means, this good Mr. Chamberlain stands up at the moment at which all of India protests against him, at the moment at which the Arabs protest, then he stands up and declares England fights against the attempt of German world rule by force. -

Perhaps one could impress the German before the year 1918 with these slogans - National Socialist Germany no longer! Quite the opposite, our struggle was directed from the first moment on against this principle. The principle that the world possesses two sorts of people, namely folks which one counts among the propertied, and folks which one counts among the have-nots..., this capitalist-plutocratic view, it will perish. Providence, the Lord, did not make the world for the English alone. The Lord has not decreed that a few small folks rule and subjugate three quarters of the whole earth and in the process are not even able to supply their own folk with the bare essentials, and other folks are destined to suffer starvation.

That has been possible solely as a result of the weakness of some folks. But this weakness, it is now being overcome and has been overcome. And these folks now likewise raise their claim. And I have raised this claim really modesty. The goal that I pursued was really a modest one:

First. The security of our own living space. And by living space, I understand everything in the world that was not cultivated, civilized and then also economically developed by the English, rather by us Germans. There are namely still some such regions! Leastwise in Central Europe, the fertilizing British influence has not yet been noticeable from the past to the present. This Central Europe has been built up by Germany. And in this German living space, this is where we now want to live. And here I do not and here we do not let our life be curtailed. And in this living space, we also do not let ourselves be threatened. And here we also do not let any political combinations be built up which are supposed to be directed against us. And

Second, we demanded and I demand the return of the German colonies, our German property, which these world plutocrats once robbed from us without any benefit for their own folks.

Those were very limited goals. I have done everything here in the process to undertake from the start a clear limitation of our claims against England and France, since these folks could not be affected at all. Nonetheless, our acquaintances from the World War increasingly put in an appearance. There came Mr. Churchill, Mr. Duff Cooper, Mister Eden, Mr. Chamberlain himself and finally, hovering above everything, the eternal spirit of the Jew Hore Belisha.

Now I am very different from these people. Mr. Churchill, after all, was already in the great war the known tax collector. He was back then one of the biggest war agitators. He belonged to those people - they never made any bones about it, after all - who already back had plunged the world into a war. And back then, I was a very little unknown soldier without any political influence. I only did my little duty, just like every other German also did that. We hence come from two very different worlds. There: the capitalist war agitators already before the war and here: the little German soldier who simply fulfilled his duty. After the war, these people pursued their businesses, and indeed armament businesses of the largest kind, and pocketed war profits. And I fought back then for my German folk. How I fought, you know that yourselves, my dear witnesses, best.

Now these people have already begun their war agitation again for some years. And they also make no bones about it, that is simply their goal again to wage a big war. They have the hope in the process that they will again find other folks who stand up for them, and the hope is in part also founded, because they have their Jewish allies everywhere. But in part, this hope has already fallen through. So they have again prepared this war in their manner. But now this time they are opposed by a German, a German front soldier, who for his part has likewise made preparations, and indeed thoroughly, such as only somebody can make who is filled with the consciousness of his duty toward his folk.

I have warned against these people, when it became necessary. But I have never left any doubt about one thing: that I was my unshakeable will and decision to make Germany free again. That they now hate me for it, that is my greatest pride. You know it, how often I have said that to you here, my old party comrades. If all the democracies in Germany, if all the Jews, if this whole pack that runs around there, if this rabble cursed me back then, how often have I then told you: that is my greatest honor. If they would praised me, then I would be the biggest scoundrel that exists at all.

And so it is today as well. If Mr. Churchill says that he hates me - I thank you, Mr. Churchill, for this compliment. If Mr. Chamberlain declares that he does not trust me - 1 thank you, that you believe that you do not believe that I could ever be a traitor, Mr. Chamberlain.

If Mr. Duff Cooper or Mister Eden declare that, in their eyes, I am a horrible monster, 1 am happy that they do not declare me among their friends. Indeed, I have just one single ambition, namely: to win and to keep the love and affection of my own folk comrades. The hatred of my enemies does not move me at all. It did not move me in the 13 years when I struggled for power in Germany, and it certainly does not move me now. And just as, back then, I fought in the interior 13 years for my folk’s freedom against the internal oppressors, exploiters etc., so do I also fight today, if it is necessary, toward the exterior.

They do not know us! The best proof how little they know us, I believe, is to be seen in the British hope to perhaps nonetheless achieve a new year 1918. The idiotic leaflets also correspond to this, after all, which one initially dropped on Germany for lack of other munitions. One probably believed that one would be able to repeat today the theater or the maneuver of 1917 or 1918 in the Germany of back then. The gentlemen have no idea of present-day Germany!

The situation here has changed substantially in many areas. Initially already in terms of foreign affairs, it has changed compared to the year 1914. Germany is today a friend with Italy. It is not just the friendship of both regimes and, I may probably also say, the friendship of both leading men, rather it is also the realization that both lands in their future need each other and are dependent upon each other. Only also toward Russia has the relationship changed. The hope, just like in the year 1914, to again be able to produce a war between Russia and Germany, between both folks, has failed miserably. I understand that in London one is now outraged over this vileness, that I suddenly thwarted precisely this chess move. I understand that. But I believe, in this case, the Russian regime and the German regime have really only done something very beneficial for both folks. For we are both really too good for it that we merely let ourselves bleed to death so that the London stock exchange and the whole of Jewry in London rub their hands.

A mighty state has thereby been removed from the fight with Germany. And you know, my party comrades, that I do not do things halfway. If I once take a path, then I walk this path to the end. That hence means the hope that perhaps tomorrow or the day after tomorrow things could perhaps nonetheless be different, this hope is a futile one.

But Japan as well, which in the year 1914 likewise opposed Germany, this time stands not on the side of our opponents, rather is our close friend.

Those are three mighty states, which back then were our enemies and today stand aside as the best-meaning neutrals. Still, a very gigantic foreign political change in the situation. Militarily as well, the situation has changed. I have carried out an armament. And, like I do everything in my life, completely and not halfway, so have I also done this arming completely. For years, I did not talk about it, for reasons which you can understand. I did not want to unnecessarily stir up the others, for I also wanted no conflict at all, after all. Once an Englishman told me we should reciprocally inform each other about our budget, the armaments outlays. I asked him why. Well, he said, so that the world would be somewhat more calmed. I told him: No, it is better if we do not do that, perhaps it would then really get unsettled. At any rate, for years I remained silent. But you all know, after all, I have worked. We have built up for ourselves a Wehrmacht that stands there differently than that of the year 1914. Back then, poorly equipped, back then, in part downright miserable supplied, this time we have spared no sacrifice in order to give our Wehrmacht the most modern equipment in the world. That this is not a slogan, has initially been proven by the campaign in Poland. I believe it went down somewhat faster than the strategists in London and Paris expected it. And the future as well will continue to confirm this.

But what, beyond the material, concerns the spirit of this Wehrmacht, there as well, one should not be concerned. The spirit of this Wehrmacht is as always the spirit of the highest leadership. The soldiers always have the spirit that the highest leaders possess and that the highest leader has. For the musketeer down below is always valiant anyway. If the highest leadership is hence also valiant, then the spirit below will already be in order. And that the highest leadership today should not be confused with the leadership of the year 1914, God governs that.

Only also economically, we have prepared ourselves differently. For years, I have had economically secured the foundations of our autarchy - much to the dismay of our opponents. Actually, they should have had to be pleased, after all. They should have had to tell themselves: Thank God, the Germans simply create their life in their own life circle. - No, it dismayed them, for they knew quite well that this autarchy takes from them the possibility to attack Germany at an opportunity and then through blockade strangle it. However, this blockade is rather full of holes anyway, noted on the side. But we have made ourselves blockade proof, quite differently than in the year 1914. One thing differentiates the situation of now from the situation of back then: Back then, our defense against the blockade was the same as nil, our own preparation for autarchy likewise nil. Today our defense against blockade is a totally different one already from the first day on than back then, and the defense is likewise organized on our side, this means, the autarchic foundation of our economy is secured to the highest degree. One thing, we all know this: Neither militarily nor economically can Germany be beaten down.

But now comes the decisive thing, and that is the leadership. And if I speak here of leadership, then I mean not just myself personally, rather I mean by leadership everything that in the course of these 20 years, since back when I was here and for the first time spoke before you, that has come to the leadership. I have often told you: I am nothing else than a magnet that continuously passes over the German nation and draws the steel out of this folk. And I have often declared that the time will come everything that exists in Germany in men will stand in my camp. And what does not stand in my camp, is then not worth anything anyway. I have characterized this as the process of the formation of the historical minority. And it has come exactly so. Over the course of 13 years, a sum of personal energies has come together in the framework of the National Socialist party, beginning with the smallest block and cell leader up to the town leader, to the county leader, to the provincial leader, to the Reich regents, to the Reich leaders; in all areas, a huge selection has taken place. Countless hundreds of thousands of energies have been mobilized and stand today at the important posts. If perhaps you today no longer grasp this so in detail, then I would only ask you for one thing: Look at any national event, let us say from the year 1903, 1905, 1908 or 1910 or 1912, and look at a similar event today; let us say, back then, the unveiling of a monument, a national monument to a national hero, let us say Bismarck or, let us say, a ship launching. The first impression: A field of top-hats, only top-hats, no folk at all, only top-hats. And today: only folk and no top-hats. That is the difference!

If I speak to you today, then, my dear old party comrades, you will say: Our old revolutionary leader! - pardon me - your chief of state! And now do not forget how different this would look, if the chief of state speaks. How they would of looked, for all I care, 20 years ago or still 15 years ago. Look at the picture today. Today we really have the German folk. And in its leadership and at its top stand leaders everywhere from the German folk, without regard for their origin. It is really a huge sum of manly energy and determination, which today leads the German nation. That is worth something, if a nation is so thoroughly organized that at every position somewhere one stands again who has grown from the folk itself and hence must work at this post due to energy, not due to his name or his birth.

And now, however, comes the final thing: We also have a different folk. This folk has now pulled itself up. It has found itself. It was regained its self-confidence, and indeed to a degree like never before. I know very precisely that nothing is impossible in this world. It knows its history. What are all our decisions compared to the decisions of the great heroes of our past! We know, however, that we are not weaker than they, rather, quite the opposite, that we can measure ourselves against them with success. The German folk has gone through a school such as perhaps, aside from Italy, no other folk in Western Europe possesses, a school of political education, of enlightenment. This folk is thoroughly organized. There exists today among these 23 million employed nobody who is not somewhere in an organization, who is not somehow included.

If today such an English top-hot wearer comes here and wants to make propaganda - propaganda in our folk? Totally different people have already tried that, and they got nowhere at all against us. All these expressions, which Mr. Chamberlain wastes, he can perhaps use for his own folk. Among us, it is totally ineffective. We know the gentlemen. We know, above all, their advisors. We know them very precisely, they were in part, after all, here among us eight years ago. We hear that, we hear that from the dialect of their pronunciation. They speak, namely, just as funny German as they speak funny English. We once finished these people in our midst, when they had power in Germany. Today they have no power here, other than just the power of their voice. And this voice, it sounds very bad in Germany. The German folk has an aversion toward these voices, toward the whole jargon. It does not want to hear these voices at all. And if it first sees the bearers of these voices, then the German folk has already had enough. What these people then say, is in itself totally indifferent. No person in the folk German believes one word of it anymore. Every German knows that they lie like they print and print like they lie.

No, the German folk has totally changed today. There are no longer any Bethmann Hollwegs in the leadership. But there are also no longer any Spartacus gangs in the folk. Both have ceased. A new folk has come, and this folk will carry out the fight that one has now forced upon it. And I am determined to carry out this fight. There will perhaps be many a person who now says: If one still had a few more years time. - That is it simply. It is better, if the fight is nonetheless unavoidable, the gentlemen have finally now begun it. And furthermore, in the long run, it is intolerable that a folk can go tell another one, which is 80 million people strong: We do not want you to do this or that, and we do not want... If we decide to, then we will stop your imports, then we will made a blockade, and then you cannot get anything anymore, then you must starve.

We will not tolerate that, and this regime will now break! This organized terror by a vile world plutocrat clique, we will eliminate it - one way or another! We have routed these inter-national finance hyenas in Germany, we will not let the law of life be dictated to us from the outside. The German folk has the same right to life as any other folk. And we simply will not tolerate it that here a few people can come and at every opportunity simply dictate to another folk the measure of life. We are determined to therefore now wage this fight for so long until this terror has been broken. And just as we have broken it internally, we will also break it externally.

That I have no respect for these people, this lies based on a few facts: First. Insofar as they were previously among us, you will understand that I do not need to have any respect at all for them. Why do I need to have respect for people who previously had power in Germany, who opposed me as totally unknown, nameless and powerless person, and who, after 13 years, had to clear the field - why should I have respect for these people? And externally it is no different. I myself faced the people as soldier for four years. You will not convince me that they are better than we. Yes, back then they opposed us with a gigantic superior force. Today they no longer have this superior force. In terms of weapons as well, they no longer have this superiority. And that I have furthermore now used the time, that, my old party comrades, you will readily believe me. For however one may reproach me, one thing nobody can accuse me of: that I have ever in my life been lazy or perhaps for half a year did nothing, rather folded my hands on my lap. I have worked in the last five months as much as a human being can work. And this was also relatively easy, for one merely needs to let run what we had prepared to run, and that runs now! And indeed thoroughly!

The German folk stands today in a better condition militarily than it ever stood in its history. Trust in the leadership, however, we can all possess that. The military leadership as well stands at the height of the time and at the height of the tasks. The others must first prove everything that we have already proven.

Furthermore, I now believe one thing: There is a Lord. The Lord creates the folks. He fundamentally gives all folks the same right. We Germans acted very badly in history 20, 22, 23 years ago. A revolution came, and we were then defeated. And then began our folk’s resurrection in immense work. And in this whole time, Providence has now again blessed our work. The braver we were, the more so did the blessing of Providence come as well. And in the last six years as well, Providence has always accompanied us. For believe me, one person calls it luck, the other something else, but without this ultimate agreement, one cannot perform great works, after all. And just a few months ago, after all, I again personally as well felt in the deepest sense the governing of a Providence, which accompanies people and puts tasks to them. We deserve these tasks. What we want, is not the suppression of other folks. It is our freedom, our security, the security of our living space, ft is the security of the life of our folk itself. We fought for this. Providence has previously blessed this struggle, blessed it a thousand-fold. Would it have done that, if it were its intention to now suddenly let this struggle turn to our disfavor? I believe here in a higher and in an eternal justice. It is imparted to whomever proves himself worthy of this justice. That was my faith, with which I first appeared here 20 years ago, back then a totally nameless person, as an unknown. I believed then that it cannot be that my folk is destined to perish, that cannot be. It will perish, if no men are found who save this folk. It must perish, if there is nobody who has faith in this folk. Then it must perish. But if somebody once affirms this folk with devout heart and works for it and risks everything for this folk, then it cannot be that Providence lets this folk perish.

That is how I began this struggle back then as a totally un-known, little German soldier, and at the end of this struggle then stood January 30,1933. The little soldier became the first folk chancellor of the German Reich. And a year later, then I became the leader of the whole nation.

And now I have again struggled for seven years with the same faith: it cannot be that my folk is destined to this fate, to be the slave to others, to be the slave to these English or these French. It cannot be! And today as well I have this faith, and with even more right than earlier, for more than the miraculous has Providence done for us since then. And I can only ask you all: Accept this faith very fully as old National Socialists. It cannot be different, we must triumph and hence we also will triumph! And if the enemy around us threatens so and pushes so, it is no worse than it once was. Our ancestors also had to endure that so often. Then we must really wrestle our way to a great affirmation of a mighty German: “And if the world were full of devils, we will nonetheless succeed!”

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