In
these days ends the first war year. The second began, and with it the new War
Winter Aid Work. The successes of this first year, my folk comrades, are unprecedented.
They are so unprecedented that not just the opponents could not imagine this
course of history, rather even many in the German folk could barely conceive
the magnificence of the processes and the speed of the events.
We
cannot at all draw upon the first war winter of the World War as comparison;
for in this first war year then, despite the greatest valor, despite unheard of
great sacrifices, only partial results were achieved, not a definitively
carried out solution.
This
time, we only need to gaze upon the mighty triangle that is today protected by
the German Wehrmacht: In the east the Bug, in the north the North Cape,
Kirkenes and Narvik, and in the south Spain’s border! A number of opponents has
been eliminated. Only to a favorable geographic situation and an extraordinary
speed in retreating does England owe that it has not shared the same fate! For
it is not so, like some British politicians portray it, that, say, the British
army chomps on the bit like a wild horse with burning eagerness to finally be
released against the German enemy. They were so close to us, after all, and
could have easily satisfied their desire for combat back then. They themselves
distanced themselves from us. And it remained up to them to portray this
repeated distancing as great victories.
Decisive
successes have been achieved in this year. And the large region that is
dominated by German troops at this time has expanded through our ally Italy,
which, for its part, has likewise gone on the offensive in East Africa and
then, too, strengthened its position and beaten back England.
Naturally,
this is also confronted by English “victories”. They are successes, which
human, healthy common sense just does not understand and does not recognize.
They also have no special context in themselves. We experience again and again
that, since this year, English propaganda falls from the peak into the abyss,
in order, however, just a few days later to soar at an even greater altitude. I
have read this once; it went, for example, “Now the dice of war fall. If the
Germans do not manage to reach Paris - and they will not manage that -, then
they have lost the war. But if they should reach Paris, then England will win
the war.”
Since
September 3rd and 4th, England has won numerous “victories” of that sort. The
most glorious victory - in our eyes, it would be the most ignominious failure -
was the flight from Dunkirk. But what did one not do in an emergency! We merely
need to read the English war reportage in order in to know what this success is
like. It states there, for example: “One tells us that...” or: “One learns from
well-informed circles...” or: “One hears from well-informed offices...” or:
“One can hear from experts...” or: “One believes one may seriously believe
that...” Yes, once it was stated: “One believes to have reason to may able to
believe that...etc.” And then, as said, naturally any defeat can become a
success.
We
were just entering Poland and the English propaganda declared that they knew
from well-informed circles that the Germans had already suffered a number of
most severe defeats and that the Poles were on the triumphant advance against
Berlin. A few days later, the well-informed circles still assured that now the
fate in the east had definitively shifted. Then equally well-informed experts
came who noted that even if Germany should have won a success - which was not
the case at all -, that this success was in reality a failure - seen from a
higher strategic standpoint, naturally.
And
as we already stood in Warsaw, then one again knew that one had the right to be
able to presume that now, in the west, the attack by the allies had won its
first great, and indeed penetrating, successes.
And
that went on so until there was finally no longer any Po-land. And then one said:
“A great nightmare has been taken from us, for this Poland in the east was
always our weakest spot. Since Poland is finished, the Allies can finally
concentrate on the theater where they are superior to the Germans, and the
German will learn that in the shortest time.”
Then
there was quiet for a long time. This quiet was naturally also a tremendously
ongoing success for the British armed forces and an equally constant failure
for Germany. How did England work in these months, and what did we sleep through!
What did the English politicians see and correctly recognize in this period and
what did we in contrast miss! Until Norway came. When the operation began,
English war reportage was pleased by the huge “mistake” that we had now made.
“Finally, the Germans have made a mistake, and now they will pay for it”, so
did one write, and one was pleased in England that one had now gotten the
opportunity to be able to measure oneself against the Germans. In the west, we
had for months been just a new hundred meters apart! They could have measured
themselves against us at any hour! They acted as if they could not see us at
all in the west, and now, for the first time in Norway, kind fate now gave
them, thanks to our, and ^specially my, stupidity, the opportunity to finally
be able to deal with us militarily.
The
conflict, it came then, too. And it is really an irony of fate that perhaps
the, for the English worst, blow back then was owed to their own propaganda.
When, namely, we had already long since pushed the Norwegians out of Hamar and
Lillehammer, a British brigade marched staunchly, piously and unsuspectingly
along the same route toward Hamar. It had no link at all to the rear, for our
Stukas and bombers had meanwhile severed all that. And so they only listened to
the British radio. And on British radio, the British brigade commander heard
that we were still far away, naturally far from Lillehammer, seen from his
standpoint, far behind Lillehammer, and that we had suffered a severe defeat.
And so the staunch British brigade commander marched at the point of his
brigade into Lillehammer, sat down to rest there, at his side the chest with
the document upon which stood: “Top secret! Do not allow to fall into enemy
hands!”, and was round up still that same night together with his precious Ark
of the Covenant by our troops. That is what happens, if somebody relies on Mr.
Churchill, the war reporter!
That
was how it was almost everywhere. They lied. They were thrown into the sea, and
then it was “a very great victory”. That they managed to still save the last
few ruins of Andalsnes or of Namsos, they declared that to the world as the
“mightiest success of recent British war history”. Naturally, we cannot measure
ourselves against them in that. But the reality confronted that, namely: a few
weeks later, there was no longer any Norway. The British military forces had to
evacuate this land as well.
And
then came the hour of the conflict in the west. There, too, we arrived too
late. And precisely in this campaign, this allied combination really had to
suffer nothing else than just defeats. The facts, the historical facts speak
for it and provide testimony. Nonetheless, this, too, ended with a great
British “victory”, namely with the magnificent, glorious feat of arms of
Dunkirk. I have seen with my own eyes the traces of this feat of arms. It
looked rather disorderly!
Now
France is likewise broken. And what kind of explanation does one have now?
Hardly had Norway been permanently cleansed of the Allies, when one declared:
“We wanted that, after all. We wanted to entice the Germans up here, after all.
That was a victory, a distinctly clear victory for us, a shortening of our
front.” And after France was finally crushed, one declared: “Now England can
finally, for the first time, concentrate all its strength. Now we no longer
have the need to always waste ourselves and expend our troops, to scatter
ourselves. Not we have achieved the strategic position that we have continually
desired and hoped for. The dead weight of France has finally fallen away from
us. It only cost us precious British blood, and now we are in the position to
oppose the Germans quite differently.”
Right
at the start of the war, one concerned oneself with certain prophecies about
the duration of this war. One said: “This war will last three years. British
prepares itself for three years.” One also had to do that, for the people
there, who, after all, are all extremely rich holders of stocks, war factory
portfolios, these people are smart enough, they naturally know that these new
investments cannot become profitable at all in half a year or in one year. That
requires some time. But I was also equally careful back then and immediately
told the Reich Marshal back then: Göring, let us prepare everything for five
years. Not because I believe the war will last five years. But whatever may
come, England will break down, one way or another! And I know no other term
than this term alone.
I
will naturally always prepare everything cleverly and carefully and conscientiously.
You will understand that. And if one is very curious in England today and says:
“Yes, why doesn’t he come?” Be calm, he will come! One does not always have to
be so curious. This world will become free. The nonsense must be cleared away
forever that it can be possible for one nation to blockade an entire continent
whenever it wants. It must be made impossible in the future that a pirate state
can from time to time again and again, according to wish and mood, surrender
450 million people here more or less to poverty or to misery. We are fed up,
especially as Germans, to let England dictate to us in all future, whether or
not we may do this or that, yes, in the end, even whether or not a German may
drink coffee. If England does not like it, then coffee import will be blocked.
That does not interest me personally at all. I don’t drink any. But it angers
me that others cannot drink it. And, indeed, I find it unbearable that here a
nation of 85 million can be punished at any time on life and limb by another
folk, if it does not fit some plutocrat in London.
I
have so often offered the English folk the hand of reconciliation. You know it
yourselves, after all. It was my foreign policy goal. I have recently done it
again for very last time. Now I prefer to fight until a very clear decision has
been produced. And the clear decision can only be that this regime of pitiful
and vile war agitators is eliminated and that a condition is established in
which it is impossible that, in the future, one nation can still tyrannize all
of Europe.
Here
Germany, and here Italy as well, and here both states will bear the concern
that this does not repeat itself in history again a second time. And here
England and also all its allies can do nothing, neither Emperor Haile Selassie
nor Mr. Benesch nor another, not even King Haakon and also not Queen Wilhelmina
and also not the French General De Gaulle. All these allies will not be able to
help at all. And whatever else they may still plan, whatever else they may have
also keep in view in the deepest fold of their heart, we are on guard, ready
for everything, determined for everything and ready to act at any time.
And
above all: One does not terrify us with anything at all. We German National
Socialists have passed through the hardest school that is at all humanly
conceivable. First, we were soldiers of the great war, and then we were the
fighters for the German resurrection. And what we had to endure in these years,
that has hardened us. One hence also cannot intimidate us with anything. One
cannot surprise us with anything at all. When one entered the war in England a
year ago, one said: “We have an ally.” One was curious who that probably was.
They said: “It is a general, this ally. His name is General Revolution.” Aha! They
have an idea of the new National Socialist German folk state! And then they
waited in London for the activity of this General Revolution. On September 6th,
nothing happened, on September 7th, nothing happened. On September 8th:
according to their statements, this general was supposed to rise up inside a
week, General Revolution. And he has not been found.
Then
one said: “But we now have a more effective general. It is General Hunger.” We
have counted on it from the start that the great humanitarians, like in the
World War, would try to starve women and children, and have also prepared
ourselves for it. This general as well was only a miscalculation, a ghost, a
jack-o’-lantern in the brain of Mr. Churchill.
Now
one has come to the third general as ally. It is General Winter. He already
existed once. He failed back then, he will or he would fail this time as well
exactly so. Indeed, the English should, if they really take such obscure
generals, then they should not forget to perhaps promote their most significant
general to the British Imperial Field Marshal, namely General Bluff. That is
their sole solid ally, who would deserve that they actually let him have the
highest promotion. They can no longer defeat us with these generals anymore -
you can be convinced of that. Perhaps one can make the dumb British folk dumb
with that, but the German folk has actually become acquainted with England. The
babbling of Mr. Churchill or of Mr. Eden - to speak of old Chamberlain, piety
forbids one that - this babbling leaves the German folk completely cold, moves
it at most to laughter. There is no fitting word in our High German language
for such a manifestation as Duff Cooper. There one must resort to a dialect,
and here, I believe, a word has been coined only in the Bavarian, which
characterizes such a man, namely: spasmodic hen [Krampfhenne]! The gentlemen
can calm themselves, with these means they will not win the war. And the other
means, which, thank God, are in our hands, will remain in our hands! And when
the hour has struck, then we will put in the place of General Hunger or
Revolution or Winter or Bluff, we will again put the General of the Deed, that
means action. And then we will see who proves himself best here.
I
have already pronounced the gratitude of the German folk to its soldiers in the
Reichstag. These days, we are moved by gratitude to our Luftwaffe, to our
valiant heroes who, day after day, fly into England and respond there to what
brilliant Mr. Churchill first invented.
But
today I wish to direct gratitude, above all, to the homeland for the year lying
behind us, gratitude to the whole Ger-man folk, and indeed, I want to thank the
German folk for its whole bearing, which it showed during this year in often
not easy situations. For perhaps it is not at all known to many what it means
to evacuate over 700,000 people in a few weeks in the past year. And it all
went without a hitch. However, everything was also prepared among us - in
contrast to the others. But what people individually took upon themselves here
and there was often very difficult, and they bore it admirably. They are happy
that they could now return to their homeland again.
But
we must also thank all those who, in this homeland itself, carried out the most
important protective measures, for which they are responsible: air defense and
especially for the mighty operations of the Red Cross, which in the physicians,
in the whole medical personnel, but especially in the nurses, performed a huge
amount.
But
we must now remember, above all, the German woman, that band of millions of
women, German mothers and also German girls, who must now replace the man and
who work in city and countryside, and who make sure that, on the one hand, our
daily breads comes again and, on the other, that the soldier gets the necessary
weapons and ammunition. At their side stand all the millions of German workers,
who in the munitions factories, often very old or still very young, work so
that the fighting front does not lack that from which it, in the final
analysis, once collapsed in the year 1918. It is something amazing to see our
folk here in the war, in its whole discipline.
We
experience this precisely now at a time when Mr. Churchill introduces us to his
invention of the night air raid. He does it not because these air raids are
particularly effective, rather because his airforce cannot fly over Germany by
day. While German pilots and German planes are over English soil day after day,
an Englishman does not cross the North Sea in the light of day at all. So they
come in the night and now, as you know, drop their bombs indiscriminately and
without system on civilian residential districts, on farmsteads and villages.
Wherever they see a light, a bomb is dropped on it.
For
three months, I have not responded to this, in the view they would cease this
nonsense. Mr. Churchill saw in this a sign of our weakness. You will understand
that we now, night after night, give a reply, and indeed increasingly so, night
after night. And if the British airforce drops 2,000 or 3,000 or 4,000
kilograms of bombs, then we not drop in one night 150,000, 180,000, 230,000,
300,000 and 400,000. And if they declare they will attack our cities to an
increased degree - we will eradicate their cities! We will put a stop to these
night pirates, so help us God. The hour will come, when one of the two of us
breaks, and that will not be National Socialist Germany! For I have already
once in my life waged such a fight to the ultimate consequence, and the
opponent broke who today still sits in England on a last island in Europe.
Precisely
in view of this fight, however, it is now really necessary to comprehend how
important the shaping and forming of our German folk community is. We would not
have been able to perform all that, if up at the front, lost and all on his
own, a German soldier stood without the tie to like-minded souls in the
homeland. What makes the German soldier up front strong, is the awareness and
the knowledge that behind him, feverish in iron solidarity, but with fanatical
will, there stands an entire folk, and indeed a folk filled with a lofty goal.
And this goal goes far beyond, say, winning only this war. No, we want to build
a new state. That is also why we are so hated by the others today. They have
often pronounced it. They said: “Yes, your social experiments are very
dangerous. If that now spreads, and if our workers as well see this, that is
very worrisome. That costs billions and brings in nothing. It converts neither
to a profit of the economy nor in a dividend. What is all that supposed to do?
We have no interest in such developments. We welcome everything that serves
mankind’s material progress, insofar as this material progress again converts
economically into profit. But social experiments, what all you do, that, after
all, can only lead to awakening the appetite of the masses, and finally lead to
us having to descend from our pedestal. You cannot expect that from us.” One
saw in us the worst example. Every institution that we created, it as not, say,
adopted by the others, no, rather it was rejected, because we carried it out.
They saw already in that a concession again on the path to a social legislation
and this to a social development that is hated in these states. They are simply
plutocracies in which a very small clique of capitalists rule these masses, and
naturally in the closest tie with international Jewry, with the Freemasons. We
know these friends from here, after all, our old dear coalition, System
Germany, which, after all, personnel-wise as well has also in part fled there.
They hate us due to our social stance, and everything that we plan or carry out
based on it, appears dangerous to them. And they are of the conviction that one
must eliminate this development. And I am of the conviction that the war, the
future, belongs to this development. I am of the conviction that the states
that do not join this development will sooner or later collapse. We see very
many states in this world with unsolved social questions. They will, if they
find no solution of reason, sooner or later reach a solution of lunacy.
National
Socialism has prevented that in the German folk. And they now know our goal,
and they know that we will tenaciously and logically champion and also achieve
this goal. Hence this hatred by all the international plutocrats, this hatred by
all the Jewish newspapers, by the whole world stock market and the sympathizers
of all those in other lands, who think likewise or similarly as these
plutocrats.
But
because we know this, that this struggle, in the final analysis, is a struggle
for the whole social foundation of our folk, for the substance of our life, and
is directed against this substance, nothing at all remains for us than,
precisely in this struggle for this ideal, to ourselves affirm this ideal ever
more.
And
here, the Winter Aid Work, this most splendid social assistance institution
that exists at all on earth, here this Winter Aid World is also a mighty
demonstration of this spirit. Everybody will believe me that we would have also
been able to solve this differently. We would have been able to easily bring
this about along the taxation route. We could have had everything done by
public officials. But even if the financial result would have been exactly the
same, for all I care, even greater, in terms of ideals, the result would not
have been even close to what we have this way. For this way, it is voluntary
organization of the German folk community in its practical effect - an
education for the one who donates, but also an education for the other, who now
himself voluntarily performs this work. For there are two people here who make
a sacrifice: the one who makes a donation and the other who now administers
this donation, administers it without pay. This little girl who walks down the
street here and collects, supported by all the other occupations, which in
rotation complete this work, up to the representatives of the state, of the
economy, of the arts etc.- it is a practical education toward folk community.
And that is the decisive thing, my folk comrades, for we are all somehow burdened
with the traditions etc. of the past, of origin, of position, of occupation
etc... Either we strike millions dead, who are irreplaceable in their other
national activity, in their economic work, because they are not yet ripe for
such a community, or we educate them toward this community. Those are two
fundamental ideas. National Socialism has from the start represented the view
that every stance is just the product of education, of habit, of inheritance,
and can hence be relearned again the same way. For the child who grows up today
in our folk will not be primarily born with whatever prejudices of class or
occupational origin. Basically, this worm screams against this just like every
other one, There is no difference at all between them. Only over the course of
life are these differences artificially imposed upon them by their environment.
And to eliminate this is our task, if we do not want to despair for the
creation of a really organic and load-bearing human society. We have taken up
this task and now begin to carry out this task in all areas, starting with the
small child. As soon as the worm starts to think that one can educate it for
the differences of human life, we begin with the education for the shared and
then no longer let loose. And even if one or the other declares: “The results?”
Yes, my dear friend, we have, after all, started just a few years ago, first in
our party as community and then, soon for eight years, in the German folk. A
short period, if you consider what worked in reverse for centuries, but
nonetheless, in the result already now tremendous. These mighty demonstrations
of our community speak for this, after all. All this would have been totally
impossible twenty years ago, after all, and thirty years ago inconceivable, and
forty years ago one would not have wanted it at all. Today this is already a
reality. And we do this in all our areas. We educate people toward a uniform
life view, to a uniform, homogenous view of duty. And we are of the conviction
that, after a certain era of this education, people will be the product of this
education, this means, they will then represent the new ideas the exact same
way as they today in part still embody the old ones.
This
is a laborious path of grinding away and of education. But we also see it,
after all, in the Winter Aid Work, ft makes progress. When the first Winter Aid
Work came, many people still ran around in Germany who said: “Who comes
there?”, such as, well, Ludwig Schmitz, you all know him, after all, “a man
with a can, so right or left, or perhaps even with a stupid comment”. That this
was so and that it this has improved, one sees this, after all, in that the
donations got ever bigger. Tenacity has led to success here. Gradually, even
the most thickheaded representative of the old order has realized this: First,
nothing helps anyway; they come again and again, and when one is gone, the next
comes. Hence, second, it is better that I take it and pin it on, and third,
well, actually, basically, something is really being done, after all.
What
happens thereby! What wounds have we thereby healed in Germany! Where all have
we helped! How could we help out people individually! What gigantic social
institutions have been created! Believe it, many people are initially against
such an innovation simply out of laziness, out of mental laziness. But when
they first see what comes out of it, they say: “Well yes, by God, naturally one
can also give something. I had not thought about it at all correctly, after
all. I did not imagine it so, that such a mighty thing develops and finally
that it has consequences. They are naturally, after all, really splendid deeds,
works, which are achieved here.” And before the person thinks about it, he is
already himself, as the most stubborn representative of earlier views, on the
path toward the new Germany.
And
conversely. If we would have previously told somebody thirty years ago: “Sir,
here is a tin can, now stand on a street corner and now ask somebody to give
you something for your folk comrades”, he would have said: “What? I’ll donate
something myself, but you cannot ask that from me. I am Mr. So-And-So, or I am
this or that, and I cannot do that. What are you thinking at all? And
furthermore, how will I be addressed? Do I know whether somebody might say
something stupid to me?” - Yes, he is no smarter than the person who says this
stupid thing. One must educate people reciprocally. It is very good, if you see
how stupid many people often talk. That is a wonderful education. But precisely
this work has already now in so few years shown how teachable a folk body is
and how much people are gripped, in the final analysis, by a great idea, but
also by a great work, by a great achievement. And we grip them on all sides,
after all. This education is carried out everywhere.
I
know how often even earlier one spoke the words, the Napoleonic words that
every soldier carries the marshal’s baton in his backpack. But that was really
not to be taken literally, for normally it was once not at all conceivable for
a soldier to walk this path. All that has changed up to the top. If once the
highest decorations could only be given - let us say - to an officer, then
today a valiant non-commissioned officer or enlisted man can just as well wear
it. A world of prejudices has been torn down, a world of prejudices.
And
believe me, over the course of decades, it will become ever nicer to live in
this state. The tasks become ever greater, and in them we will educate our folk
more and more to itself, transform it into an ever closer and more intimate
community. And if then a few still people still do not want to under any
circumstances, then we will one day give them an honorary burial. Those are the
last representatives of a past age; and, in that regard, perhaps also still
interesting. But the world, the future belongs to the young folks who solve
these problems. And we have already begun with this solution and also solve it.
And
the Winter Aid Work is here a mighty community proclamation of the homeland in
view of the mightiest proclamations of the community of the front. For just as
there a huge body, well organized, does its duty, so does this homeland stand
at home and is ready for the same accomplishments and willing for any sacrifice
that this struggle for our future’s existence or non-existence may put to us.
If
I hence once more thank all those who, in the first Winter Aid Work, have given
or were otherwise active as helpers, then I simultaneously ask you all: Fulfill
your task anew in the second Winter Aid Work. The one as voluntary helper and
the others as voluntary donors. Make sure than this, too, even becomes anew to
the world a demonstration of our indissoluble sense of community, and that it
may finally realize that the speculation in General Revolution is an idiocy and
that another general stands in place of this general: the general of shared
fulfillment of duty, who commands us all.
It is the spirit of our
folk community that lets us endure everything and that lets our folk be strong
for all conflicts and decisions of the future. In this as well, each individual
helps to break the will of our enemies, in that he robs them of such illusions,
he contributes his share in the spread of the knowledge of and insight into our
folk. The more the other world sees that this great folk is a single community,
the more it will realize how hopeless its plan is. People who are separated
from each other, each walking his own path, they could break them - but 85
million who have one will, one decision and are ready for one deed, a world
does not break them!
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