On the morning of June 22, 1941, Reich Minister
Joseph Goebbels announced to the world the startling news that German forces,
together with Finnish and Romanian troops, had struck against the vast Soviet
Union. On German radio he read Adolf Hitler's historic proclamation justifying
the attack. Among other things, he said that Stalin had massed some 160
divisions to strike westwards. In reality, more than 300 Soviet divisions were
assembled against Germany and Europe. Hitler and his generals had thereby greatly
underestimated the Soviet danger -- a fateful miscalculation that ultimately
proved catastrophic, and not just for Germany. To the Italian leader Benito
Mussolini, Hitler wrote that deciding to attack Soviet Russia was "the
most difficult decision of my life." And even though it meant engaging
Germany in a two-front war, something he had specifically warned against in
Mein Kampf, this was a decision he never regretted. Hitler's strike against the
Soviet Union, code-named "Barbarossa," has often been called his
worst single military blunder because the immense clash he unleashed ended four
years later, in May 1945, with his suicide in his Berlin command post, Soviet
forces hoisting the Red hammer-and-sickle banner above the Reichstag, and
Germany's unconditional surrender. Hitler's "Barbarossa" assault is
often, but simplistically, portrayed as a treacherous and unprovoked surprise
attack against a peaceable ally, motivated by greed, dreams of empire, loathing
of Russians and other Slavic peoples, and visceral hatred of Communism. Today,
60 years later, German and Russian historians continue to grapple with the
origins of this mightiest military clash in history. Because Hitler's
proclamation of June 22, 1941, helps to explain the German leader's motives for
turning against Soviet Russia, it is a document of historic importance. The
text is given here in full.
-- The Editor
German people! National Socialists!
Weighed down with heavy cares, condemned to
months-long silence, the hour has now come when at last I can speak frankly.
When on September 3, 1939, the German Reich
received the British declaration of war there was repeated anew the British
attempt to thwart every beginning of a consolidation of Europe and thereby its
rise, by fighting against whatever power on the Continent was strongest at any
given time. That is how, in times past, Britain ruined Spain in many wars. That
is how she conducted her wars against Holland. That is how later she fought
France with the aid of all Europe, and that is how, at the turn of the century,
she began the encirclement of the then German Reich and, in 1914, the [First]
World War. It was only on account of its internal lack of unity that Germany
was defeated in 1918. The consequences were terrible.
After hypocritical declarations that the fight
was solely against the Kaiser and his regime, and once the German army had laid
down its arms, the annihilation of the German Reich began according to plan.
While the prophecies of a French statesman that
there were two million Germans too many -- in other words, that this number
would have to be eliminated by hunger, disease or emigration -- were apparently
being fulfilled to the letter, the National Socialist movement began its work
of unifying the German people, and thereby initiating the resurgence of the
Reich. This rise of our people from distress, misery and shameful disregard was
in the form of a purely internal renaissance. In no way did that affect, much
less threaten, Britain.
Nevertheless, a new, hate-filled policy of
encirclement against Germany began immediately. Internally and externally there
came into being that plot, familiar to all of us, between Jews and democrats,
Bolsheviks and reactionaries, with the sole aim of inhibiting the establishment
of the new German people's state, and of plunging the Reich anew into impotence
and misery.
Apart from us, the hatred of this international
world conspiracy was directed against those nations that, like ourselves, were
neglected by fortune and were obliged to earn their daily bread in the hardest
struggle for existence.
Above all, the right of Italy and Japan, just as
much as that of Germany, to share in the goods of this world was contested and
in fact was formally denied. The alliance of these [three] nations was, therefore,
purely an act of self-protection in the face of the egoistic global combination
of wealth and power that threatened them. As early as 1936 [Winston] Churchill,
according to statements by the American General Wood before a committee of the
American House of Representatives, declared that Germany was once again
becoming too powerful and must therefore be destroyed.
In the Summer of 1939 the time seemed to have
come for Britain to begin to realize its intended annihilation by repetition of
a comprehensive policy of encirclement of Germany. The plan of the campaign of
lies staged for this purpose consisted in declaring that other people were
threatened, in tricking them with British promises of guarantees and
assistance, and of getting them to go against Germany, just as had happened
prior to the [First] World War.
From May to August 1939, Britain thus succeeded
in broadcasting to the world that Lithuania, Estonia, Latvia, Finland and
Bessarabia. as well as Ukraine, were being directly threatened by Germany. Some
of these states allowed themselves to be misled into accepting the promise of
guarantee proffered with these assertions, thus joining the new encirclement
front against Germany. Under these circumstances I considered myself entitled
to assume responsibility, before my own conscience and before the history of
the German people, not only of assuring these countries or their governments of
the falseness of these British assertions, but also of setting at rest the
strongest power in the east [the Soviet Union], by especially solemn
declarations regarding the limits of our interests.
National Socialists! At that time you probably
all felt that this step was a bitter and difficult one for me. The German
people has never harbored hostile feelings against the peoples of Russia.
However, for more than two decades the Jewish Bolshevik rulers in Moscow had
been endeavoring to set aflame not only Germany but all Europe. At no time did
Germany ever attempt to carry her National Socialist worldview into Russia, but
on the contrary Jewish Bolshevik rulers in Moscow unswervingly endeavored to
foist their domination upon us and other European nations, not only by
ideological means but above all with military force. The consequences of the
activity of this regime were nothing but chaos, misery and starvation in all
countries.
I, on the other hand, have been striving for two
decades, with a minimum of intervention and without destroying our production,
to arrive at a new socialist order in Germany, one that not only eliminates
unemployment but also permits the productive worker to receive an ever greater
share of the fruits of his labor. The achievements of this policy of national
economic and social reconstruction -- which strove for a true national
community by overcoming rank and class divisions -- are unique in today's
world.
It was therefore only with extreme difficulty
that I brought myself in August 1939 to send my [Foreign] Minister [von
Ribbentrop] to Moscow in an endeavor there to counter the British encirclement
policy against Germany. I did this only out of a sense of responsibility toward
the German people, but above all in the hope of finally, in spite of
everything, achieving long-term detente and of being able to reduce sacrifices
that otherwise might have been demanded of us.
While Germany solemnly affirmed in Moscow that
the designated territories and countries -- with the exception of Lithuania --
lay outside any German political interests, a special [supplementary] agreement
was concluded in case Britain were to succeed in inciting Poland into actually
going to war against Germany. In this case, as well, German claims were subject
to limitations entirely out of proportion to the achievements of the German
forces.
National Socialists! The consequences of this
treaty, which I myself desired and which was concluded in the interests of the
German nation, were very severe, particularly for Germans living in the
countries concerned. Far more than half a million [ethnically] German men and
women, all small farmers, artisans and workmen, were forced to leave their
former homeland practically overnight in order to escape from a new [Soviet]
regime that at first threatened them with boundless misery and sooner or later
with complete extermination.
Nevertheless, thousands of Germans disappeared.
It was impossible ever to determine their fate, let alone their whereabouts.
Among them were no fewer than 160 men of German Reich citizenship. To all this
I remained silent because I had to! For, after all, it was my one desire to
bring about a final relief of tension and, if possible, a permanent settlement
with this [Soviet] state.
However, already during our advance in Poland,
Soviet rulers suddenly, and contrary to the treaty, also claimed Lithuania. The
German Reich never had any intention of occupying Lithuania, and not only
failed to present any such demand to the Lithuanian government, but on the
contrary refused the request of the then Lithuanian government to send German
troops to Lithuania in that spirit for that purpose as inconsistent with the
aims of German policy.
Despite all this I complied also with this fresh
Russian demand. However, this was only the beginning of continually renewed
extortions, which have been repeated ever since.
The victory in Poland, which was won exclusively
by German troops, prompted me to address yet another peace offer to the Western
powers [Britain and France]. It was rejected, due to the efforts of the
international and Jewish warmongers. Already at that time the reason for this
rejection lay in the fact that Britain still had hopes of being able to
mobilize a European coalition against Germany, which was to include the Balkans
and Soviet Russia. It was therefore decided in London to send Mr. Cripps as
ambassador to Moscow. He received clear instructions under all circumstances to
resume relations between Britain and Soviet Russia, and develop them in a
pro-British direction. The British press reported on the progress of this
mission, except insofar as tactical reasons did not impose silence.
In the fall of 1939 and the spring of 1940 the
first results actually made themselves felt. As Russia undertook to subjugate
by armed force not only Finland but also the Baltic states, she suddenly
motivated this action by the assertion, as ridiculous as it was false, that she
must protect these countries from an outside threat, or forestall it. This
could only be meant to apply to Germany, for no other power could even
intervene in the Baltic area, let alone go to war there. Still I had to be
silent. However, those in power in the Kremlin immediately went further.
Whereas in the spring of 1940 Germany, in
accordance with the so-called Friendship Treaty [of Sept. 28, 1939, with Soviet
Russia], withdrew her forces from the eastern frontier and, in fact, for the
most part cleared these areas entirely of German troops, a deployment of
Russian forces at that time was already beginning, to an extent that could only
be regarded as a deliberate threat to Germany.
According to a statement that [Soviet Foreign
Minister] Molotov personally made at that time, there were 22 Russian divisions
in the Baltic states alone already in the spring of 1940. Given that the
Russian government always claimed that it had been called in by the local
population, the purpose of their presence there could only be a demonstration
against Germany.
While our soldiers from May 10, 1940, onward
were breaking Franco-British power in the west, Russian military deployment on
our eastern frontier was continuing to an ever more menacing extent. From
August 1940 onward I therefore considered it to be in the interest of the Reich
to no longer permit our eastern provinces, which moreover had been laid waste
so often before, to remain unprotected in the face of this tremendous deployment
of Bolshevik divisions.
Thus, and just as intended by this
British-Soviet Russian cooperation, there came about the tying up of such
strong [German] forces in the east that a radical conclusion of the war in the
west, particularly as regards aircraft, could no longer be vouched for by the
German leadership. This, however, was in line with the goals not only of
British but also of Soviet Russian policy, for both Britain and Soviet Russia
intended to let this war go on for as long as possible in order to weaken all
Europe and render it ever more impotent.
Russia's threatened attack on Romania was in the
last analysis equally intended to gain possession of or, if possible, to
destroy, an important base of the economic life of not only Germany, but of all
of Europe. Since 1933 the German Reich sought with boundless patience to win
over states in southeastern Europe as trading partners. We therefore also had
the greatest interest in their internal consolidation and order. Russia's
advance into Romania and Greece's alliance with Britain threatened to quickly
turn these regions as well into a general theater of war.
Contrary to our principles and customs, and at
the urgent request of the then Romanian government, which was itself
responsible for this development, I advised that it acquiesce to the Soviet
Russian demands for the sake of peace, and to cede [the province of]
Bessarabia. The Romanian government believed, however, that it could answer for
this before its own people only if Germany and Italy in compensation would at
least guarantee the integrity of what still remained of Romania. I did so with
heavy heart, above all because when the German Reich gives a guarantee, that
means it also abides by it. We are neither Englishmen nor Jews.
I still believe at this late hour to have served
the cause of peace in that region, albeit by assuming a serious obligation of
our own. In order, however, finally to solve these problems and achieve clarity
concerning the Russian attitude toward Germany, as well as under pressure of
continually increasing mobilization on our eastern frontier, I invited Mr.
Molotov to come to Berlin.
The Soviet Foreign Minister [during their
November 1940 meeting] then demanded Germany's clarification of or agreement to
the following four questions:
Molotov's first question: Is the German
guarantee for Romania also directed against Soviet Russia in case of attack by
Soviet Russia against Romania?
My answer: The German guarantee is a general one
and is unconditionally binding upon us. Russia, however, never declared to us
that she had other interests in Romania beyond Bessarabia. The [Soviet]
occupation of Northern Bukovina was already a violation of this assurance. I
did not therefore think that Russia could now suddenly have more far-reaching
intentions against Rumania.
Molotov's second question: Russia again feels
itself menaced by Finland, Russia is determined not to tolerate this. Is
Germany ready not to give any aid to Finland, and above all immediately to
withdraw German relief troops marching through to Kirkenes?
My answer: As ever, Germany has absolutely no
political interests in Finland. A new war by Russia against the small Finnish
nation could not, however, be regarded any longer by the German government as
tolerable, all the more so because we could never believe that Finland could
threaten Russia. Under no circumstances did we want another theater of war to
arise in the Baltic.
Molotov's third question: Is Germany prepared to
agree that Soviet Russia give a guarantee to Bulgaria and, in this regard, send
Soviet troops to Bulgaria, in connection with which he -- Molotov -- was
prepared to state that the Soviets did not intend on that account, for example,
to depose the King?
My answer: Bulgaria is a sovereign state, and I
have no knowledge that Bulgaria had ever asked Soviet Russia for any kind of
guarantee such as Romania had requested from Germany. Moreover, I would have to
discuss the matter with my allies.
Molotov's fourth question: Soviet Russia
absolutely requires free passage through the Dardanelles, and for her
protection also demands occupation of a number of important bases on the
Dardanelles and the Bosporus. Is Germany in agreement with this or not?
My answer: Germany is prepared at any time to
agree to altering the Treaty of Montreux [1936] in favor of the Black Sea
states. Germany is not prepared to agree to Russia's taking possession of bases
on the Straits.
National Socialists! Here I adopted the only
attitude that I could adopt as the responsible leader of the German Reich, but
also a conscientiously responsible representative of European culture and
civilization. The result was to increase the activity in Soviet Russia directed
against the Reich, above all, however, the immediate commencement of
undermining the new Romanian state from within, and an attempt to remove the
Bulgarian government by propaganda.
With the help of confused and immature leaders
of the Romanian [Iron Guard] Legion a coup d'etat was staged in Romania whose
aim was to overthrow Chief of State General Antonescu and produce chaos in the
country so as to eliminate thee legal authority and thus remove the
precondition for implementing the German guarantee. I nevertheless still
believed it best to remain silent.
Immediately after the failure of this
undertaking, there was renewed reinforcement of concentrations of Russian
troops on Germany's eastern frontier. Panzer detachments and parachute troops
were transferred in ever increasing numbers to dangerous proximity to the
German frontier. The German armed forces and the German homeland know that
until a few weeks ago not a single German tank or motorized division was
stationed on our eastern frontier.
If any final proof was required for the
coalition meanwhile formed between Britain and Soviet Russia, despite all
diversion and camouflage, the Yugoslav conflict provided it. While I made every
effort to undertake a final attempt to pacify the Balkans and, in sympathetic
cooperation with the Duce [Mussolini], invited Yugoslavia to join the
Tripartite Pact, Britain and Soviet Russia jointly organized that coup d'etat
which, in a single night, removed the government that had been ready to come to
agreement.
For today we can inform the German nation that
the Serb putsch against Germany did not take place merely under the British,
but primarily under Soviet Russian auspices. While we remained silent on this
matter as well, the Soviet leaders now went one step further. They not only
organized the putsch, but a few days later [April 5, 1941] concluded that
well-known friendship treaty with those submissive creatures, which was meant
to strengthen the Serbs in their will to resist pacification of the Balkans, and
to incite them against Germany. And this was no platonic intention: Moscow
demanded mobilization of the Serbian army.
Because, even then, I still believed it better
not to speak out, those in power in the Kremlin went still further: The
government of the German Reich today possesses documentary evidence proving
that Russia, in order finally to bring Serbia into the war, gave her a promise
to supply her, by way of Salonika, with weapons, aircraft, munitions and other
war materials against Germany. And this happened almost at the very moment that
I was advising Japanese Foreign Minister Matsuoka to bring about an easing of
tensions with Russia, still hoping thereby to serve the cause of peace.
Only the rapid advance of our incomparable
divisions to Skoplje, as well as the capture of Salonika itself, frustrated the
aims of this Soviet Russian-British plot. Officers of the Serbian air force,
however, fled to Russia and were there immediately received as allies.
It was only the victory of the Axis powers in the
Balkans that thwarted the plan to tie down Germany this summer in months of
fighting in southeastern Europe while meantime steadily completing the
deployment of Soviet Russian armies and strengthening their readiness for
battle in order, finally, together with Britain and supported by anticipated
American supplies, to tie down and then defeat the German Reich and Italy.
Thus Moscow not only broke but miserably
betrayed the stipulations of our friendship treaty. All this was done while the
rulers in the Kremlin, exactly as in the case of Finland and Romania, up to the
last moment pretended peace and friendship and issued seemingly harmless
denials.
Although I have been obliged by circumstances
again and again to keep silent, the moment has now come when to continue as a
mere observer would not only be a sin of omission but a crime against the
German people -- yes, even against the whole of Europe.
Today something like 160 Russian divisions are
standing at our frontier. For weeks there have been constant violations of this
frontier, not only affecting us but also in the far north [against Finland], as
well as Romania. Russian airmen consider it sport nonchalantly to overlook
these frontiers, presumably to prove to us that they already feel themselves masters
of these territories. During the night of June 17 to 18 Russian patrols again
penetrated into Reich territory, and could only be driven back after prolonged
exchange of fire.
This has brought us to the hour when it is
necessary for us to counter this plot of Jewish-British warmongers and equally
the Jewish rulers of the Bolshevik center in Moscow.
German people! At this moment a deployment of
forces is taking place that, in its extent and scope, is the greatest the world
hitherto has seen. United with their Finnish comrades, the fighters of the
victory of Narvik are standing in the Northern Arctic. German divisions
commanded by the conqueror of Norway [General Dietl], together with the heroes
of Finnish freedom under their Marshal [Mannerheim], are protecting Finnish
soil. Formations of the German eastern front extend from East Prussia to the
Carpathians. German and Romanian soldiers are united under Chief of State
Antonescu from the banks of the Prut along the lower reaches of the Danube to
the shores of the Black Sea.
The task of this front, therefore, is not merely
the protection of individual countries, but the safeguarding of Europe, and
thereby the salvation of all.
I therefore decided today to once again lay the
fate and future of the German Reich and our people in the hands of our
soldiers.
May the Lord God help us
especially in this fight!
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