Berlin, September 1,
1939
Deputies,
Men of the German Reichstag!
For months a problem has tormented all of us.
Long ago the Diktat of Versailles bestowed this problem on us. In its depravity
and degeneracy it has now become insufferable. Danzig was a German city and is
a German city! The Corridor was German and is German! These regions owe their
cultural development exclusively to the German Volk. Without this Volk, these
eastern regions would still be plunged in the depths of barbarism.
Danzig was torn from us! Poland annexed the Corridor! The German minorities
living there are being persecuted in the vilest manner imaginable. In the years
1919 and 1920 over one million men of German blood were forced to leave their
homeland.
As always, I sought to bring about a change by peaceful means, by offering
proposals to remedy this situation which meanwhile had become unbearable.
It is a lie when others in the world claim that we sought to carry out our
revisions by the use of force exclusively. Fifteen years before National
Socialism’s rise to power, there was ample opportunity to carry out these
revisions by peaceful means. Nothing of the sort was done. In any event, I made
proposals for a revision not once, but many times.
You know that all these proposals were rejected. There is no need for me to
enumerate them: my proposals on the limitation of arms; if necessary, even for
the complete elimination of weaponry; my proposals for limited warfare, for the
abolition of methods employed in modern warfare which, in my eyes, are hardly
reconcilable with international law. You know of my proposals on the necessity
of restoring German sovereignty to the territory of the German Reich. You know
of the endless attempts I made for a peaceful resolution of the problem of
Austria, and later of the problem of the Sudetenland, of Bohemia and Moravia.
It was all for naught.
There is one thing that is simply not possible: to demand that an
impossible situation be resolved by means of peaceful revision-and then to
consistently deny resolution by peaceful means.
It is likewise not possible to claim that the one who, under the
circumstances, resorts to resolving this situation by himself, who undertakes
the revisions on his own, is in breach of the law. For the Diktat of Versailles
does not constitute law for us Germans.
You simply cannot uphold and proclaim a signature to represent sanctified
law when it was extorted by holding a pistol to the signatory’s head and
threatening to starve millions of human beings if he failed to comply! Thus I
attempted, also in the case of Danzig and the Corridor, to obtain a resolution
by means of proposals and their peaceful discussion. That these problems had to
be resolved was entirely clear. That the western states were unconcerned with
the time table is understandable. Yet it is of concern to us.
It was-and had to be-of concern especially to those suffering.
In my talks with Polish statesmen I once more expounded those thoughts
which you already heard in my last speech before the Reichstag. No man can accuse me of employing inappropriate methods or of applying
inappropriate pressure in an uncalled-for manner. It was I who had the German
proposals formulated in the end, and I must repeat here that there is nothing
more modest or loyal than these proposals. I should like to say this to the
world: I alone was in the position to make such proposals! I know very well
that in doing so I brought myself into opposition to millions of Germans. These
proposals have been rejected. And not only this! They were answered by
mobilization, augmented terror, increasing pressure on ethnic Germans in these
regions. The previously slow and exclusively economic and political throttling
of the Free City of Danzig within the last few weeks has spilled over into an
outright war against it, a choking off of traffic there and military isolation.
Poland has unleashed this war against the Free City of Danzig! It was not
willing to settle the question of the Corridor in one manner or another, in a
manner both reasonable and rendering justice to the interests of both states.
And ultimately this meant that it was not willing to uphold its obligations
toward minorities.
And here I must establish the fact that Germany has fulfilled its
obligations! The minorities living within the Reich are not subject to
persecution. There is not one Frenchman who can stand up to claim that the
French in the Saar territory are being oppressed, tortured, or robbed of their
rights. Not one can claim as much! I have been silently standing by and
observing the situation for four months now. Yet I have issued warnings
repeatedly. And I have intensified these warnings of late.
As long as three weeks ago, I already had the Polish Ambassador informed
that if Poland should send further notes to Danzig, in the nature of an
ultimatum; if it should implement further discriminatory measures against the
Germans there; or if it should attempt to destroy Danzig economically by
imposing high customs on it; then Germany could simply no longer be expected to
stand by without taking action.
I left no doubt that it would be a grave mistake in this context to compare
the Germany of today to the Germany of days past.
There were attempts to justify recriminations against ethnic Germans by
claiming that these constituted a response to prior “provocations.” I know not
what type of “provocations” those women and children had allegedly perpetrated
who were abused and abducted. Nor can I imagine what provocations had been
perpetrated by those who were sadistically and bestlially tortured only to be
murdered in the end.
Yet there is one thing I do know: no honorable great power could calmly
tolerate such a state of affairs in the long run! Nevertheless, I made one last
effort. And this even though, in my heart, I was convinced that the Polish
Government-especially given its dependence on the rabble of soldiers now freed
of inhibitions-was not serious about attaining a true understanding.
Nevertheless, I accepted the proposal at mediation of the British Government.
The British suggested that while they were not willing to negotiate themselves,
they would open a direct line of communication between Poland and Germany to
initiate talks once more.
And now I am forced to state the following: I accepted this proposal! It
was for this new round of negotiations that I drafted the proposals known to
you.
For two whole days I sat with my Government and waited to see whether it was convenient for the Polish Government to
send a plenipotentiary or not.
Up to last night, it has not commissioned any such plenipotentiary. Rather
it has informed us, through the offices of its Ambassador, that it is presently
contemplating whether or not it is in a position to consider the English
proposals. It would impart as much to England later.
My Deputies! Should someone have the impertinence to expect the German
Reich and its head of state to accept this, and should the German Reich and its
head of state tolerate this, then truly the German nation would deserve no
better than to take leave of the political stage! For I am wrongly judged if my
love for peace and my patience are mistaken for weakness or even cowardice!
Last night I informed the British Government that, under the circumstances, I
no longer see any willingness by the Polish Government to enter into serious
negotiations with us. And thus all attempts at mediation must be considered to
have failed. For we had indeed received a response to our proposals which
consisted of: 1. general mobilization in Poland and 2. renewed, heinous
atrocities.
Similar events repeated themselves in the course of last night. And this
after the recent perpetration of twenty-one border transgressions in the span
of one single night. Yesterday fourteen additional violations of the border
were recorded, among them three of a most serious nature. I have therefore
resolved to speak to Poland in the same language that Poland has employed
towards us in the months past.
Now that statesmen in the West go about declaring that this infringes on
their interests, I can only regret this position. This cannot and will not,
however, make me waver for a minute in the fulfillment of my duty. I have
solemnly assured the Western states, and I repeat this here, that we desire
nothing of them. We shall never demand anything of them. I have assured them
that the border separating France and Germany is a final one. Time and time
again I have offered friendship, and if necessary close cooperation, to
England. But love cannot remain a one-sided affair. It must be met by the other
side.
Germany is not pursuing any interests in the West. The West Wall delineates
the Reich’s border for all time. Our ambitions for the future are no different.
And nothing shall ever change the Reich’s standpoint in this matter.
The other European states, in part, comprehend our stance. Here I wish,
above all, to thank Italy, which lent us support during this entire time. You
will understand that we do not wish to appeal to a foreign power for assistance
in this struggle. This is our task, and we shall carry it out ourselves.
The neutral states have already assured us of their neutrality. We earlier
guaranteed this neutrality. We are deadly serious (es ist uns heiliger
Ernst) in making this assertion. As long as other powers do not violate this neutrality, we shall likewise
respect it scrupulously. For how could we wish to, or desire to, conduct
ourselves differently towards these states? I am happy to be able to inform you
of a special development at this point.
You know that two different doctrines govern Russia and Germany. There
remained but one question to be resolved: as Germany has no intent of exporting
its doctrine, and at the moment that Soviet Russia no longer contemplates
exporting its doctrine to Germany, I no longer see any compelling reason why we
should continue to take opposing stances. Both of us are aware that any
struggle between our two peoples would merely benefit third parties. Hence we
have determined to enter into a pact which shall preclude the application of
force between us for all time. It also
obliges us to seek mutual consultation in certain European questions. Moreover,
it shall render possible economic cooperation and, above all, ensure that the
strength of the two great states is not squandered in rivalry with each other.
Any attempt by the West to change this is doomed to failure! And of one
thing I would like to assure all of you here today: this decision signals a
fundamental change for the future and is a final one! I believe the entire
German Volk welcomes this political resolve. Russia and Germany fought each
other in the World War only to suffer its consequences equally in the end. This
shall not happen a second time! Yesterday in Moscow and Berlin, the
Non-Aggression and Mutual Assistance Pact-which had originally entered into
force upon signature-was accorded final ratification. In Moscow this pact was
as warmly welcomed as you welcomed it here. I second every word of the Russian
Foreign Commissar Molotov’s speech.
Our goals: I am determined to resolve
1. the question of Danzig and
2. the question of the Corridor, and to see to it that
3. a change of tone comes about in German-Polish relations, so as to
warrant peaceful coexistence.
Meanwhile I am equally determined to wage this war until the present Polish
Government judges it opportune to assent to these changes, or another Polish
Government shall be willing to do so.
I will cleanse Germany’s borders of this element of insecurity, this
civilwar- like circumstance. I will take care that our border in the East
enjoys the same peace as along any other of our borders.
I will take the measures necessary in a fashion that does not contradict
what I have pronounced to be my proposals to the world before you, my Deputies.
This means I do not wish to lead this war against women and children. I
have instructed my Luftwaffe to limit its attacks to military objectives.
Should, however, the enemy regard this as giving him license to employ reverse
measures against us, then he shall receive so powerful a response that stars
dance before his eyes! This night for the first time Polish regular soldiers
fired on our own territory. We have now been returning the fire since 5:45
a.m.! (Seit 5.45 Uhr wird jetzt
zuruckgeschossen!) Henceforth, bomb will be met
with bomb.
He who fights with poison shall be fought with poison gas. He who distances
himself from the rules for a humane conduct of warfare can only expect us to
take like steps. I will lead this struggle, whoever may be the adversary, until
the security of the Reich and its rights have been assured.
For over six years I worked on the rearmament of the German Wehrmacht. I
have spent over 90 billion on the
rearmament of the Wehrmacht. Today it is among the best-equipped in the entire
world. It completely defies comparison to that of 1914! My confidence in it is
unshakeable! When I call on this Wehrmacht, and when I now demand sacrifice
from the German Volk, even the ultimate sacrifice should there be need, then it
is because I have a right to do this, because today I am as willing as I was
before to make any personal sacrifice. I am asking of no German man more than I
myself was ready to do through four years! Germans should not be asked to make
any sacrifices I myself would not make without an instant’s hesitation! I now wish to be nothing other than the first soldier of the German Reich.
Therefore I have put on that tunic which has always been the most holy and
dear to me. I shall not take it off again until after victory
is ours, or-I shall not live to see the day! Should something happen to me in
this struggle, then my immediate successor shall be Party comrade Goring.
Should anything happen to Party comrade Goring, then his successor shall be
Party comrade Hess. You shall owe this man-as your Fuhrer-the same loyalty and
blind obedience you owe to my person! Should anything happen to Party comrade
Hess, then through the offices of law I shall call upon the Senate, which is to
determine the most worthy, i.e. the most valiant from its midst. As a National Socialist and a German soldier I enter into this struggle
with a strong heart! My life was but one struggle for the German Volk, for its
resurrection, for Germany. This struggle was governed by only one creed: faith
in this Volk! There is one word which I have never known and this word is:
capitulation! If some now believe that we
are facing hard times, then I would like to ask them to bear in mind that once
a Prussian king with a ludicrously small state faced off a far more powerful
coalition. And three battles later he stood victorious in the end, for he
possessed that strong, believing heart, the kind which we need in these times
as well. I would like to assure the world around us of
one thing: there shall never ever be another November 1918 in German history!
Since I myself stand ever ready to lay down my life for my Volk and Germany, I demand the same of everyone else! Whoever believes he can oppose this
national commandment shall fall! We will have nothing to do with traitors! And
all of us pledge ourselves to the one ancient principle: it is of no importance
if we ourselves live-as long as our Volk lives, as long as Germany lives! This
is essential.
I expect of all of you as the Reich’s emissaries henceforth that you shall
do your duty wherever you may be assigned! You must carry the banner of
resistance forth regardless of the cost.
May no one approach me to report one day that morale is low in his Gau, in
his Kreis, or in his group or cell. The one responsible for morale is you- the
responsibility is yours! I am the one responsible for the morale of the German Volk. You are
responsible for morale in your Gaus, in your Kreise! No one has the right to
cast off this responsibility. The sacrifices demanded of us today are no
greater than those made by countless earlier generations. All men who have set
out on this most bitter and strenuous of paths for Germany have accomplished
nothing else than what we must also accomplish. Their sacrifice was not made
without cost or suffering. It was no easier to make than the one demanded of
us.
I expect every German woman to integrate herself into the great
community-in-struggle in an exemplary fashion and with iron discipline! It goes
without saying that the German youth will fulfill, with a radiant heart, the
tasks the nation, the National Socialist state, expects and demands of it. Provided all of us form part of this community, sworn together, determined
never to capitulate, then our will shall master all need.
I conclude with the avowal I once pronounced as I began my struggle for
power in the Reich. Back then I said: When our will is strong enough that need
can no longer vanquish it, then our will and our German state will vanquish and
conquer need.
Deutschland-Sieg Heil!
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