My German
Nation!
In November 1918, when the German nation laid down its
arms trusting implicitly in the assurances contained in President Wilson's 14
Points, this marked the end of a disastrous struggle for which some individual
statesmen could be blamed but certainly not the people of the warring nations.
The German People fought so heroically only because they were completely
convinced that they had been wrongfully attacked and were therefore justified
in fighting. The other nations had hardly any idea of the immense sacrifice
which Germany, almost entirely without allies, was forced to make at that time.
If in those months the rest of the world had held out its hand to its defeated
enemy in a spirit of fairness, mankind would have been spared a great deal of
suffering and countless disappointments.
The
German People suffered the most profound disappointment. Never had a defeated
nation tried more sincerely to assist in healing the wounds of its former enemy
than the German People did in the long years when it complied with the dictates
imposed upon it. The fact that all these sacrifices could not genuinely pacify
the other nations was due to a treaty which, by attempting to perpetuate the
status of victor and vanquished, could only perpetuate hatred and enmity. The
nations of the world had a right to expect that people would have learned from
the greatest war in history that the sacrifices - particularly those of the
European nations - far exceed any potential gain. So when this treaty forced
the German People to destroy all its armaments in order to achieve world-wide
general disarmament, many people believed that this was merely a sign that an
awareness capable of saving the world was spreading.
The
German nation destroyed its weapons. Counting on its former enemies to honour
the terms of the treaty, it complied with their demands with almost fanatical
conscientiousness. On land, air and sea an enormous quantity of war material
was deactivated, destroyed and scrapped. In accordance with the wishes of the
powers which were dictating the terms, the former army of millions was replaced
by a small professional army equipped with weapons of no military significance.
At that time the political leaders of the nation were men whose intellectual
roots were entirely within the world of the victorious powers. For this very
reason the German People were entitled to expect that the rest of the world
would keep its word, for the German People were trying to fulfil their treaty
obligations by the sweat of their brow under immense hardship and indescribable
deprivation.
No
war can remain a permanent human condition. No peace can be the perpetuation of
war. At some point the victor and the vanquished must find a way to join in
mutual understanding and trust. For fifteen years the German People have waited
and hoped that the end of the war would also bring an end to the hatred and
enmity. But it seemed that the aim of the Treaty of Versailles was not to bring
mankind lasting peace but instead to keep it in a state of permanent hatred.
The
consequences were unavoidable. When right finally yields to might a state of
permanent uncertainty disturbs and inhibits the course of normal international
relations. In concluding this treaty it was completely forgotten that the world
could not be rebuilt by the slave labour of a violated nation; that this could
be ensured only by the cooperation of all nations in mutual trust; that the
basic prerequisite for such cooperation is the removal of the war psychosis;
that historical clarification of the problematical question of war guilt cannot
be achieved by the victor forcing the defeated nation to sign a peace treaty
which begins with a confession of the defeated nation's war guilt. On the
contrary, for then the ultimate responsibility for the war emerges most clearly
from the contents of a dictate like this!
The
German People are utterly convinced that they are not responsible for the war.
The other participants in this tragic disaster may well be equally convinced of
their innocence. This makes it all the more urgent to ensure that this
situation, in which all sides are convinced that they are not to blame, does
not become a state of permanent enmity. We must also ensure that the memories
of this world-wide catastrophe are not artificially kept alive, and that, by
unnaturally perpetuating the idea of a "victor" and a
"vanquished", a permanent state of inequality is not created, causing
on the one side understandable arrogance and on the other bitter resentment.
It
is no coincidence that after such a protracted and artificially prolonged
sickness of the human race certain consequences must manifest themselves. A
shattering collapse of the economy was followed by a no less dangerous general
political decline. But what possible meaning did the World War have, if the
consequences were an endless series of economic disasters not only for the
vanquished but also for the victors? The well-being of the nations is not
greater, nor has there been a genuine improvement in their political fortunes
or a profound increase in human happiness! Armies of unemployed have formed a
new social class and the disintegration of the economic structure of the
nations is accompanied by the gradual collapse of their social structure.
It
is Germany which suffered the most from the consequences of this peace treaty
and the general uncertainty which it has created. The number of unemployed rose
to one third of the normal national work force. That, however, meant that,
including all family members, approximately twenty million out of sixty-five
million people in Germany were without any livelihood and faced a hopeless
future. It was only a question of time before this host of economically
disenfranchised people would become an army of politically and socially
alienated fanatics.
One
of the oldest civilized countries in the contemporary human community with over
six million Communists was on the brink of a disaster which only the
indifferent and ignorant could ignore. If the red menace had spread like a
raging fire throughout Germany, the Western civilized nations would have been
forced to recognize that it does matter whether the banks of the Rhine and the
North Sea coast are guarded by the advance troops of a revolutionary
expansionist Asiatic empire, or by peaceful German farmers and working men who,
genuinely conscious of a common bond with the other civilized European nations,
are struggling to earn their daily bread by honest labour. The National
Socialist movement, in rescuing Germany from this imminent catastrophe, saved
not only the German nation but rendered the rest of Europe a historic service.
This
National Socialist revolution has but one goal, namely to restore order within
its own nation, to give our hungry masses work and bread, to champion the
concepts of honour, loyalty and decency as the basis of a moral code which
cannot harm other nations but only contribute to their general welfare. If the
National Socialist movement did not represent a body of ideas and ideals, it
could never have succeeded in saving our People from ultimate disaster. It
remained true to these ideals not only in the course of its struggle to obtain
power but also after it came to power! We have waged war on all the depravity,
dishonesty, fraud and corruption which had festered and spread within our
nation since the disastrous Treaty of Versailles. This movement is dedicated to
the task of restoring loyalty, faith and decency without regard to person.
For
the last eight months we have been engaged in a heroic struggle against the
Communist threat to our nation, against the subversion of our culture, the
destruction of our art and the corruption of our public morality. We have put
an end to atheism and blasphemy. We humbly thank Providence for granting us
success in our struggle to alleviate the distress of the unemployed and to save
the German farmer. In just under eight months, in the course of a program which
we calculated would require four years, more than two and a quarter million of
the six million unemployed have been returned to useful production.
The
most persuasive evidence of this enormous achievement is provided by the German
People themselves. They will show the world how firmly they support a regime
which has no other goal than - through peaceful labour and acts of civilized
morality - to assist in the reconstruction of a world which is anything but
happy today....
...I
regard it as a sign of a noble sense of justice that in his most recent speech
the French Premier, Daladier, used words that reflected a spirit of
conciliatory understanding, for which countless millions of Germans thank him.
National Socialist Germany desires only to redirect the rivalry between the
European nations to those fields of endeavour where through the noblest form of
competition they gave the entire human race those magnificent gifts of
civilization, culture and art which today enrich and adorn the world.
We
also note with hope and emotion the assurance that the French Government under
its present Head does not intend to insult or humiliate the German People. We
are deeply moved by the reference to the all too sad fact that these two great
nations have in the course of history so often sacrificed the lives of their
best youths and men on the field of battle. I speak on behalf of the entire
German People when I offer my assurance that we genuinely desire to overcome an
enmity which has resulted in sacrifices which far outweigh any potential
benefit to either side.
The
German People are convinced that their military honour has remained pure and
unstained in a thousand battles and we likewise regard the French soldier only
as an old and valiant foe. We and the entire German People would be happy at
the thought of sparing the children and children's children of this nation the
suffering and pain which we ourselves as honourable men were forced to see and
experience in long and bitter years. The history of the last 150 years with all
its vicissitudes should have taught both nations one thing: namely, that with
all the bloodshed permanent and significant changes are no longer possible. As
a National Socialist I and all my supporters, as a matter of national
principle, reject the idea of shedding the blood and sacrificing the lives of
those who are dear and precious to us, to win over people of a foreign nation
who will not love us. It would be a momentous event for the entire human race
if the two nations were able to eliminate once and for all the use of force
from the life which they share. The German People are ready to do this.
In
claiming without reservation the rights granted us in the treaties themselves,
I wish to state without reservation that as far as Germany is concerned no
further territorial conflicts exist between the two countries. After the return
of the Saar only a madman could conceive of a war between the two states, for
which from our point of view there would then no longer be any moral or
rational justification. For no one could demand the extermination of millions
of young lives in order to achieve a correction of the present frontiers which
would be questionable both in its extent and value.
When
the French Premier asks why German youth are marching in rank and file, our
reply is that this is not to demonstrate against France. It is to display and
document the political will required to defeat Communism and which will be
necessary to keep Communism in check. In Germany only the army bears arms. And
the National Socialist organizations have only one enemy and that is Communism.
But the world must accept the fact that when the German People organize
themselves so as to protect our Nation from this danger, they select the only
forms which can guarantee success. While the rest of the world is digging in
behind indestructible fortifications, building vast fleets of aircraft,
enormous tanks, huge pieces of artillery, it cannot speak of a threat when
German National Socialists bearing absolutely no arms march in columns of four,
thus providing visible evidence and effective protection of the German national
community!
When,
however, the French Premier asks why Germany is demanding weapons which would
have to be destroyed later, this is an error. The German People and the German
Government never demanded weapons but only equal rights. If the world decides
that all weapons down to the last machine gun are to be destroyed, we are
prepared to sign a convention to this effect immediately. If the world decides
that specific weapons are to be destroyed, we are prepared to forgo them. If,
however, the world approves of certain weapons for every nation, we are not
prepared to be excluded as a nation deprived of the same rights.
If
we fight for the things in which we sincerely believe, we shall be more honourable
partners within the family of nations than if we were prepared to accept
humiliating and dishonourable conditions. For by our signature we pledge the honour
of an entire nation, whereas a dishonest and unscrupulous negotiator will only
be rejected by his own People. If we conclude treaties with Englishmen,
Frenchmen or Poles, we want to conclude them only with men who consider
themselves to be 100% Englishmen, Frenchmen or Poles and who are acting on
behalf of their nation. For we have no wish to conclude pacts with negotiators;
we want to sign treaties with nations. And the only reason why we are fighting
against an unscrupulous hate campaign today, is because it will unfortunately
not be those who incite animosity but the people of the nations who will pay
with their blood for the sins of these poisonous agitators.
The
former German governments confidently joined the League of Nations hoping to
find there a forum where they could achieve a just resolution of conflicting
national interests, and above all genuine reconciliation with their former
enemies. This presupposed, however, the ultimate recognition of equal rights
for the German nation. Their participation in the disarmament conference was
based on the same assumption. Demotion to the status of membership without
equal rights in an institution or conference of this nature is an intolerable
humiliation for a nation of 65 million people which values its honour and for a
government which attaches no less importance to its honour!
The
German People more than fulfilled its obligation to disarm. It should now be
the turn of the nations who are armed to show no less willingness to fulfil the
same obligations. In taking part in this conference the German Government's
goal is not to negotiate for a few canons or machine guns for the German
People, but to work towards universal world peace as an equal partner. Germany
has no less a right to security than any other nation. Since Mr Baldwin, the
English Minister, takes if for granted that disarmament means only that
better-armed states disarm while England continues to arm until parity between
them is achieved, it would be unfair to heap criticism on Germany if, as an
equal partner at the conference, it ultimately adopted the same position with
regard to itself. This demand by Germany cannot possibly mean the least threat
to the other powers. For the other nations have defence installations designed
to withstand the heaviest assault weapons, whereas Germany is not asking for
assault weapons but only for those defence weapons which will not be prohibited
in the future and which all other nations are permitted. Here, too, Germany is
quite prepared to accept a minimum number, which bears no relationship to the
enormous arsenal of assault and defence weapons of our former enemies. The
deliberate demotion of our nation, by granting every nation of the world an
automatic right which we alone are denied, is in our view a perpetuation of
intolerable discrimination. In my speech about peace in May I already stated
that under these circumstances, to our great regret, we would not be able to
remain within the League of Nations or to participate in international
conferences.
Germany's
current leaders have nothing in common with the paid traitors of November 1918.
All of us - like every decent Englishmen and Frenchmen - have risked our lives
to do our duty to our fatherland. We are not responsible for the war, we are
not responsible for what happened in it. We feel responsible only for what
every man of honour had to do, and we did, at a time of national crisis. The
boundless love we feel for our nation is matched by our ardent desire to reach
an understanding with the other nations and we will attempt to achieve this
wherever possible. It is impossible for us, as the representatives of an honest
nation and as honest people, to participate in institutions under conditions
which would be acceptable only to a dishonest person. In the past men may well
have existed who even under such intolerable conditions may have believed that
they could be party to international agreements. There is no point in examining
whether they were the best elements in our nation, but beyond any doubt the
best elements in our nation did not support them. The world can only be
interested in negotiating with the honest men rather than the questionable
elements within a nation, and in signing treaties with the former rather than
the latter. The world must, however, in turn make allowance for the sense of honour
of a regime of this nature, just as we in turn are grateful that we are able to
deal with honest men. This is all the more vital, because only in this kind of
atmosphere can the solution be found which will lead to genuine peace between
the nations. Unless a conference of this nature is conducted in a spirit of
sincere understanding it is doomed to failure. Having gathered from the
statements of the official representatives of a number of major powers that
they have no intention of granting Germany equal rights at the present time,
Germany at this time and in such a humiliating position finds it impossible to
impose its presence upon other nations. The implementation of the threats to
use force can only constitute violations of international law.
The
German Government is absolutely convinced that its appeal to the entire German
nation will prove to the world that the Government's desire for peace and its
concept of honour are shared by the entire nation. In order to document this
claim I have decided to request the President of the Reich (Reichspräsident) to
dissolve the German Parliament (Reichstag) and in new elections and a
plebiscite provide the German People with the chance to make a historical
statement, not merely by approving of their government's principles but by
showing total solidarity with them.
May
this statement convince the world that the German People have expressed their
total solidarity with their government in this struggle for equal rights and honour;
that both sincerely desire only to play their part in ending an epoch of tragic
human error, regrettable discord and strife between the nations which dwell in
the most civilized continent in the world and have a common mission to
accomplish for all mankind. May this powerful demonstration of our People's
desire for peace and honour succeed in providing the relationships between the
European states with the necessary basis not only for an end to a century of
discord and strife but for the foundation for a new and better community:
namely, the recognition of a common higher duty based on equal rights for all!
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