Adolf Hitler - Speech Before the Greater German Reichstag - 11.12.1941

 

Declaration of war against the USA

 

Delegates!

 

Men of the German Reichstag!

 

A year of world historical events approaches its close, a year of the greatest decisions stands before us. In this serious time, I speak to you, delegates of the Reichstag, as the representative of the German nation. Only beyond that, the whole German folk should take notice of this review and of the decisions that present and future force upon us.

 

After the repeated rejection of my peace proposal in the year 1940 by the British Minister-President of the time and by the clique bearing or dominating him, it was clear in the autumn that this war, against all reasons of rationality and of necessity, had to be fought to the end with arms. You know me, my old party comrades, that I was always an enemy of half or weak decisions. If Providence wanted it so, that the German folk cannot be spared this fight, then I want to be thankful to it that it entrusted me with the leadership of a historical struggle, which will decisively shape for the next 500 or 1,000 years not only our German history, rather the history of Europe, yes, of the whole world.

 

The German folk and its soldiers work and fight today not only for themselves and their time, rather for coming, yes, for most distant generations. A historical revision of unique magnitude was placed upon us by the creator, which we are now obligated to carry out.

 

The armistice with the west, possible already shortly after the ending of the fight in Norway, forced the German leadership, first of all, to militarily secure the politically, strategically and economically important areas won.

 

So the lands conquered back then have since then fundamentally changed their possibility for resistance. From Kirkenes to the Spanish border, there stretches a belt of strong points and fortifications of the largest magnitude.

 

Countless airfields were built or, in the high north, in part, blown out of primeval rock of granite. Naval bases received protective buildings for U-boats in a magnitude and in a strength so that they are practically invulnerable both from the sea as well as from the air. More than one and a half thousand new batteries, whose locations had to be scouted, planned and expanded, served the defense itself. A network of roads and rails was constructed so that today the connection between the Spanish border up to Petsamo is secured independent of the sea. Military engineers and construction battalions of the navy, army and Luftwaffe, in combination with the Organization Todt, have created facilities here that are in no way second to the West Wall. There is constant work on their reinforcement. It is my imperturbable decision to make this European front unassailable for any enemy. This work of defensive nature, continued even over the winter, found it supplement in an offensive warfare such as was conditionally possible under the seasonal conditions. German surface and sub-surface naval forces continued their constant war of annihilation against the British navy and the warships and commercial marine at its disposal. The German Luftwaffe supported the damaging of enemy tonnage through attacks, through reconnaissance, and in countless retaliatory flights gave the Englishman a better picture of the “charming war”, whose initiator is, above all, his present-day Prime-Minister.

 

In this fight, Germany was supported in the middle of the past year, above all, by its Italian ally. For many months, the weight of a large portion of British power rested on the shoulders of the Italian state allied with us. Only as a result of the enormous superiority in heavy tanks did the English manage to temporarily cause a crisis in North Africa.

 

Already on March 24th of the past year, however, a small community of German-Italian formations under Rommel’s leadership began to assemble for the counterattack.

 

On April 2nd, Agedabia fell. On the 4lh, Benghasi was reached. On the 8th, our joint formations entered Derna, on the 11th, Tobruk was encircled and on April 12th, Bardia occupied. The German Afrika Korps has performed an even more magnificent thing, because, purely climatically, this theater is for the German totally alien and unaccustomed. Just like once in Spain, now in North Africa, Germans and Italians have always faced the same enemy together.

 

While, through these daring measures, the North African front of both our allied lands was again secured with the blood of German and Italian soldiers, the ominous shadows of a horrible danger already closed over Europe.

 

Obeying the bitterest distress, I decided in autumn 1939 to at least make the attempt, through elimination of the acute German-Russian tension, to create the prerequisite for a general peace. This was psychologically very difficult as a result of the overall stance of the German folk and, above all, of the party, toward Bolshevism, but easy technically, since Germany, in all the areas that England declared threatened by us and invaded with assistance pacts, had actually always seen and represented only economic interests. For you may remember, my delegates, that England, in the whole spring and high summer of the year 1939, offered numerous states and lands its assistance, with the claim that Germany possessed the intention to invade them and rob them of their freedom. The German Reich and its government could hence assure with the clearest conscience that here it was only about claims, which in no way corresponded to the truth.

 

In addition to this came the sober military realization that, in the event of a war, which through British diplomacy was supposed to be forced upon the German folk, the fight on two fronts seemed executable only under very heavy sacrifices. After, aside from the Baltic states, Romania etc. were inclined toward acceptance of the British assistance pact and thereby demonstrated that they likewise believed in such a threat, it was for the German Reich government not only a right, rather also a duty, on its part to determine the boundaries of German interests.

 

But the affected lands - to the sorrow of the German Reich itself - soon had to recognize that the sole factor, which could be the strongest guarantee against the threatening east, was only Germany. Since they had, through their own policy, severed the ties to the German Reich and instead entrusted themselves to the assistance of the power, which, in its proverbial egoism, for centuries never gave assistance, rather always only demanded help, they were lost.

 

Nonetheless, the fate of these lands aroused the German folk’s strongest empathy. The Finns’ winter war forced upon us a feeling, mixed of bitterness and admiration. Admiration, because we ourselves, as a soldier-folk, possess a receptive heart for heroism and sacrifice, bitterness because we, with the gaze at the looming enemy in the west and at the danger in the east, were not in the position to help militarily.

 

As soon as it became clear that Soviet-Russia deduced from the delineation of the political German spheres influence the right to practically exterminate the nations living outside it, the further relationship was still only a practical one, confronted with hostility by reason and feelings.

 

From month to month, already in the year 1940, the realization was gained that the plans of the men in the Kremlin were consciously aimed at the domination and hence destruction of all of Europe. I have already given the nation a picture of the assembly of the Russian military means of power in the east, at a time when Germany possessed only a few divisions in the provinces bordering Russia. Only a blind man could overlook it that here an assembly of world historically unique magnitude took place. And indeed, not in order to defend something, rather only to attack something which seemed no longer capable of defense. If the lightning-like conclusion of the campaign in the west took from the Moscow rulers the possibility to be able to reckon with the German Reich’s immediate exhaustion, then this in no way eliminated their intentions, rather only postponed the time of the attack. In the summer of 1941, one believed to see the most favorable moment to strike. Now a new Mongol storm was supposed to race across Europe.

 

But Mr. Churchill also promised the turn of the English fight against Germany for the same time. He tries today in a cowardly manner to deny that, in the secret sessions of the year 1940 in the English House of Commons, he referred to the Soviet entry into the war as the essential factor for the successful continuation and conclusion of this war, which was supposed to come at the latest in the year 1941, and which would then put England in the position to go over to the attack for its part as well.

 

In the spring of this year, we hence followed in conscientious duty the assembly of a world power, which seemed to possesses inexhaustible reserves in men and material. Heavy clouds began to draw over Europe.

 

For, my delegates, what is Europe? There is no geographic definition of our continent, rather only an ethnic and cultural one.

 

The Urals are not the border of this continent, rather always that line, which separates the bibliography of the west from that of the east.

 

There was a time when Europe was that Greek peninsula into which Nordic tribes had advanced, in order, from there, to ignite for the first time a light, which since then has slowly, but steadily, began to lighten the world of human beings. And when these Greeks resisted the invasion by the Persian conquerors, they defended not only their narrower homeland, which was Greece, rather that concept, which today is called Europe.

 

And then Europe wandered from Hellas to Rome.

 

Roman thought and Roman statecraft combined with Greek spirit and Greek culture. A world empire was created, which even today still has not been matched in its significance and reproductive energy, let alone surpassed. But when the Roman legions defended Italy against Carthage’s African assault in three difficult wars and finally won victory, it was again not Rome, for which they fought, rather the Europe of back then encompassing the Greco-Roman world.

 

The next invasion against this heroic soil of new human culture came from the expanses of the east. A terrible storm of culture-lacking hordes poured out of Asia’s interior, deep into the heart of the present-day European continent, burning, scorching and murdering as genuine scourges of the Lord.

 

It the Battle on the Catalaunian Fields, Romans and Ger-manic men stood up for the first time together in a struggle of fate of immense significance for a culture which, emanating from the Greeks, through the Romans, now drew Germanic man as well under its spell.

 

Europe had grown. Out of Hellas and Rome emerged the occident, and its defense was now for many centuries not just the task of the Romans, rather, above all, also the task of Germanic man. But to the same degree to which the Occident was illuminated by Greek culture, filled with the impression of the mighty legacies of the Roman Empire, expanded its space through Germanic colonization, that concept, which we call Europe, spread spatially. Quite regardless, whether a German Kaiser repulsed the invasions from the east on the Unstrut or on the Lechfeld, or Africa was pushed out of Spain in long fighting, it was always a struggle of the evolving Europe against a surrounding world alien to it in its deepest essence. If Rome once won its immortal credit for the creation and defense of this continent, then Germanic man as well now took over the defense and protection of a family of folks, which among themselves, in political form and goal, may be ever so differentiated: in overall image, however, still, in terms of blood and culture, in part the same, in part self-supplementing unit.

 

And from this Europe came not just a settlement of other continents, rather an intellectual and cultural fertilization that only that person becomes aware of, who is willing to seek the truth, instead of denying it.

 

Hence England did not cultivate the continent, rather splinters of the Germanic ethnicity, as Anglo-Saxons and Normans, drew to this island and enabled it a development that is certainly unique. Likewise, America did not discover Europe, rather the reverse. And everything that America did not draw from Europe, may indeed appear admirable to a Jewized mixed-race, but Europe sees it in only a sign of decay in art and cultural life bearing, the legacy of Jewish or Negro blood infusion.

 

My delegates! Men of the German Reichstag!

 

I must make this presentation, for the struggle which, in the first months of this year, gradually began to show itself as unavoidable, and for whose leadership this time the German Reich, above all, is called, likewise goes far beyond the interests of our own folk and land. For just as the Greeks once defended against the Persians not Greece and the Romans against the Carthagians not Rome, Romans and Germanic men against the Huns not the Occident, Germany Kaisers against the Mongols not Germany, Spanish heroes against Africa not Spain, rather all of Europe, so does Germany today as well fight not only for itself, rather for our whole continent.

 

And it is a fortunate sign that this knowledge is today so deep in the subconscious of most European folks that they, be it through openly taking a stands, be it through the influx of volunteers, participate in this struggle.

 

When the German and Italian armies on April 6th of this year assembled for the attack against Yugoslavia and Greece, this was an introduction to the great struggle in which we still find ourselves at this time. For the revolt, which led in Belgrade to the overthrow of the former Prince-Regent and his government, was decisive for the further course of the events in this region of Europe. Even though England was decisively involved in this coup d’etat, Soviet Russia nonetheless played the main role. What I had denied Mr. Molotov on the occasion of his visit in Berlin, Stalin now believed to be able to achieve along the detour of a revolutionary movement even against our will. Without regard for the concluded treaties, the intentions of the Bolshevik rulers broadened. The friendship pact with the new revolutionary regime illuminated lightning-fast the proximity of the looming threat.

 

What was performed by the German Wehrmacht in this campaign found its appreciation in the German Reichstag on May 4, 1941. But what I unfortunately had to leave unsaid back then, was the realization that we were approaching with great speed the conflict with a state, which, at the moment of the Balkan campaign, did not yet intervene only because its assembly was not yet finished and the use of the airfields, above all, as a result of the snow melting just setting in around this season and hence the mud of the runways, was impossible.

 

My delegates!

 

As soon as I became aware in the year 1940, through reports from the English House of Commons and through observation of the Russian troop movements on our borders, of the possibility of the emergence of a threat in the Reich’s east, I immediately issued the instruction for the formation of numerous new panzer, motorized and infantry divisions. The prerequisites for it were already abundantly available, both in terms of personnel as well as of material. Just as I can give you, my delegates, and indeed the whole German folk, only one assurance: if, as easily understandable, in the democracies as well one speaks much of armament, then in National Socialist Germany there is even more working for it. It was so in the past and this is also no different today. Each year will find us with increased and, above all, also better weapons, where the decisions fall.

 

Despite all insight into the necessity under no circumstances to offer the opponent the possibility to be able to make the first thrust into our heart, the decision was, in this case, nonetheless a very difficult one. If the article writers of our democratic newspapers today declare that, given a closer knowledge of the strength of the Bolshevik opponent, I would have pondered going over to the attack, then they mistake just as much the situation as well as my person. I sought no war, rather, quite the opposite, did everything in order to avoid it. But I would act un- dutiful and unscrupulously, if, despite the knowledge of the inevitableness of an armed conflict, I would fail to draw the sole possible conclusions. Because I held Soviet Russia to be the deadliest opponent of not only the German Reich, rather for all of Europe, I decided, if possible, to myself give the signal for attack still a few days before the outbreak of this conflict. For the fact of the Russian intention, genuinely crushing and authentic material is today available. Likewise, we are clear about the point in time, when this attack was supposed to take place. In view of the scope of the danger, perhaps only today known to us in its full magnitude, I can only thank the Lord that he enlightened me at the right time and gave me the strength to do what had to be done. Not only millions of German soldiers owe their lives to that, rather all of Europe its existence. For I must pronounce this today: If this wave of over 20,000 tanks, hundreds of divisions, tens of thousands of guns, accompanied by more than 10,000 airplanes, would have unexpectedly set itself into motion across the Reich, Europe would have been lost! Fate has chosen a series of folks, through the risk of their blood, to anticipate and intercept this thrust. If Finland had not immediately decided to take to arms for the second time, then the comfortable civility of the other Nordic states would have quickly come to an end.

 

If the German Reich had not confronted this opponent with its soldiers and weapons, a storm would have smashed across Europe, which would have once and for all finished the ridiculous British idea of the preservation of a European balance of power in its whole dullness and stupid tradition. If Slovaks, Hungarians and Romanians had not helped to assume this defense, then the Bolshevik hordes, like the swarms of Huns of an Attila, would have swept across the Danube lands, and Tartars and Mongols would today, on the domains of the Ionian Sea, force the revision of the Treaty of Montreux. If Italy, Spain, Croatia had not sent their divisions, then the defense of an European front would not have emerged, which, as proclamation of the concept of the new Europe, let its recruiting energy radiate upon all other folks as well. From this ominous recognition, volunteers have come from Northern and Western Europe: Norwegians, Danes, Dutch, Flemish, Belgians etc., yes, even Frenchmen, who give the struggle of the allied forces of the Axis the character of a European crusade in the truest sense of the word.

 

It is not yet the time to speak of the planning and leadership of this campaign. Only I believe already now, in this mightiest struggle of all times, in which, given the size of the space, the great number and might of the events, the individual impressions blur only too easily, pale in memory, to be able to point out in a few sentences what has been achieved.

 

On June 22nd, the attack began in the dawning morning. With irresistible daring, those border fortifications were penetrated, which were intended to secure the Russian assembly against us against any surprise.

 

Already on June 23rd, Grodno had fallen.

 

On June 24th, after the capture of Brest-Litowsk, the citadel was beaten down and likewise Wilna and Kowno taken.

 

On June 26th, Dünaburg fell.

 

On July 10th, the first two great encirclement battles at Bialystok and Minsk were concluded. 324,000 prisoners, 3,332 tanks and 1,809 guns fell into our hands.

 

Already on July 13th, the breakthrough through the Stalin Line took place at almost all decisive points.

 

On the 16th, Smolensk fell after heavy fighting, while on the 19th, German and Romanian formations forced the crossing over the Dnjestr.

 

On August 6th, the Battle of Smolensk ended in many pockets. Again, 310,000 Russians marched into German captivity, while 3,205 tanks and 3,120 guns could be counted, part as destroyed, in part as booty.

 

Already three days later, the fate of an additional Russian army group was sealed.

 

On August 9th, in the Battle of Uman, again 103,000 Soviet-Russians were captured, 317 tanks, 1,100 guns destroyed or captured.

 

On August 17th, Nikolakew fell, on the 21st, Cherson was taken. On the same day, the battle at Gomel found its conclusion with 84,000 prisoners and 144 tanks and 848 guns, which were again in part captured, in part destroyed.

 

On August 21st, the Russian positions between Lake Ilmen and Lake Peipus were broken through, while on August 26th, the bridgehead at Dnjepropetrowsk came into our hands.

 

Already on the 28th of the same month, German troops entered Reval and Baltic Port after heavy fighting, while on the 30th, Viipuri was taken by the Finns.

 

With the conquest of Schlüsselburg on September 8th, Leningrad was definitively sealed off toward the south as well.

 

On September 16th, it was possible to form bridgeheads across the Dnjepr, and already on September 18th, Poltawa fell into the hands of our soldiers.

 

On September 19th, German formations stormed the citadel of Kiev and on the 22nd, the conquest of Oesel was crowned through the capture of the capital.

 

But now the largest operations matured toward the expected successes.

 

On September 27th, the battle at Kiev was concluded.

 

665,000 prisoners set off in endless columns toward the west. 884 tanks, 3,178 guns, however, remained lying in the pockets as booty.

 

Already on October 2nd, the breakthrough battle now began in the middle of the eastern front, while on October 11th, the battle at the Sea of Azov found its successful conclusion.

 

Again, 107,000 prisoners, 212 tanks and 672 guns were counted.

 

On October 16th, the entry of German and Romanian formations into Odessa took place after heavy fighting.

 

On October 18th, the breakthrough battle in the middle of the eastern front, begun on October 2nd, ended with a new, world historically unique success.

 

663,000 prisoners were the one result, 1,242 tanks, 5,452 guns, in part destroyed, in part captured, the other.

 

On October 21st, the conquest of Dagö was concluded.

 

On October 24th, the industry center Charkow was taken.

 

On October 28th, in the heaviest fighting, access to the Crimea finally forced and, already on November 2nd , the capital, Simferopol, stormed.

 

On November 16th, the Crimea was penetrated to Kertsch.

 

On December 1st, however, the total number of captured Soviet Russians amounted to 3,806,865.

 

The number of destroyed or captured tanks was 21,391, that of guns 32,541, and that of airplanes 17,322.

 

In the same time period, 2,191 British airplanes were shot down,

 

destroyed by the navy 4,170,611 gross registered tons, by the Luftwaffe 2,346,180 gross registered tons, hence altogether: 6,516,791 gross registered tons.

 

My delegates! My German folk!

 

These are sober facts and perhaps dry numbers. May they, however, never disappear from the history and, above all, the consciousness and memory of our own German folk! For be-hind these numbers lie hidden the accomplishments, sacrifices and deprivation, stand the heroic courage and readiness for death of millions of the best men of our own folk and of the states allied with us.

 

All that had to be won at the risk of health and life and under exertions, of which the homeland probably hardly has an idea.

 

Marching into endless distances, tormented by heat and thirst, often hampered almost to desperation by the mud of bottomless paths, exposed to the ravages of the climate from the White Sea to the Black Sea, which descended from the scorching heat of the July and August days to the winter storms of November and December, pained by inspects, suffering under filth and bugs, freezing in snow and ice, they fought, the Germans and the Finns, the Italians, Slovaks, Hungarians and Romanians, the Croats, the volunteers from the Nordic and western European lands, all in all: the soldiers of the eastern front! The onset of winter alone will put a restraint on this movement. The onset of summer will no longer be able to prevent the movement again.

 

I do not want to name any individual arms on this day, want to glorify no leadership, they have all given their utmost. And yet, insight and justice obligate to again and again ascertain one thing: of all our German soldiers, our unique infantry bears the heaviest burden of the fight, just like in the past, to also today.

 

From June 22nd to December 1st, the German arm has lost in this heroic struggle: 158,773 dead, 563,082 wounded and 31,191 missing. The Luftwaffe 3,231 dead, 8,453 wounded and 2,028 missing. The navy 310 dead, 232 wounded and 115 missing. Hence the German Wehrmacht altogether: 162,314 dead, 571,767 wounded and 33,334 missing.

 

Hence in dead and wounded somewhat more than twice the Somme Battle of the World War, in missing somewhat less than half of the number back then, but all fathers and sons of our German folk.

 

And now let me take a position toward that other world, which has its representative in the man, who, while the folks and their soldiers fight in snow and ice, tends to chat in tactful manner from the fireplace, and hence, above all, that man, who is the main responsible party for this war. When, in the year 1939, the situation of the nationalities in the Polish state back then proved itself ever more unbearable, I tried, initially along the path of a fair agreement, to eliminate the conditions become unbearable. For a certain time, it seemed as if the Polish government itself had seriously considered agreeing to a reasonable solution. I may add here that, in all these proposals, nothing was demanded from the German side, which had not already previously been German property, yes, that, quite the opposite, we renounced very much, which before the World War belonged to Germany. You still remember the dramatic development of this time, the constantly escalated victims in the German ethnic group. You, my delegates, are best in the position to measure the weight of these blood victims, if you compare them to the sacrifices of the present war. For the previous campaign in the east has cost the whole German Wehrmacht around 160,000 dead, only back then, in deepest peace, over 62,000 ethnic Germans were killed in a few months in Poland, in part, under the most horrible tortures. That the German Reich possessed the right to protest such conditions on its border and to push for their elimination, indeed, to be concerned for its security, can probably hardly be contested in a time in which other lands seek elements of their security even in foreign continents. The problems, which were supposed to be corrected, were insignificant, taken territorially. Essentially, it was about Danzig and the link of the torn off province East Prussia to the rest of the Reich. More heavily weighed the horrible persecutions, to which the Germans were exposed precisely in Poland.

 

The other minorities there as well had to endure a no less severe fate.

 

When then, in the August days, thanks to England’s guarantee presented as blank check, Poland’s stance stiffened ever more, the German Reich government, and indeed, for the last time, saw itself motivated to present a proposal, on the basis of which it was ready to enter into negotiations with Poland, and of which it gives verbal report to the English ambassador of back then.

 

I may on this day release these proposals from oblivion and again remind you of them. Proposal for a regulation of the Danzig-Corridor-Problem as well as the German-Polish minority question.

 

The situation between the German Reich and Poland is at the time so that any further incident can lead to an explosion of the military forces in position on both sides. Any peaceful solution must be so constituted that the events causing this condition cannot repeat at the next opportunity and thereby put not only Europe’s east, rather also other regions into the same tension.

 

The causes for this development lie

first, in the impossible border drawing, such as it was undertaken by the Versailles Dictate,

second, in the impossible treatment of the minority in the severed regions.

 

The German Reich government hence proceeds in these proposals from the idea of finding a permanent solution, which eliminates the impossible situation of the border drawing, secure for both sides their life-essential connection routes, eliminates - insofar as somehow possible - the minority problem, and, insofar as this is not possible, makes the fate of the minorities bearable through a sure guarantee of their rights.

 

The German Reich government is convinced that, in the process, it is necessary to disclose and again compensate to full extent the economic and physical damages, which have occurred since the year 1918. It naturally sees this obligation as a binding one for both parties.

 

I now come to the proposals themselves.

 

From these considerations result the following practical proposals:

 

First. The Free City Danzig, on the basis of its purely German character as well as its population’s unanimous will, returns immediately to the German Reich.

 

Second. The territory of the so-called corridor, which stretches from the Baltic Sea to the line Marienwerder- Graudenz-Kulm-Bromberg (these cities inclusive) and then roughly westward toward Schönlanke, will decide for itself over its belonging to Germany or to Poland.

 

Third. For this purpose, this region will hold a plebiscite. Entitled to vote are all Germans, who resided in this region on January 1, 1918, or were born there up to that date, and likewise all Poles, Kashubians etc., born on this day. The Germans driven out of this region return for the fulfillment of their vote.

 

For the securing of an objective vote as well as for the guarantee for the extensive preparations needed for it, this chosen region, similar to the Saar region, will be subordinated to an international commission to be formed immediately, which will be formed by the four great powers Italy, the Soviet Union, France, England. This commission exercises all sovereign rights in this region. For this purpose, this region is to be evacuated in the shortest, to be negotiated period, by all Polish military, Polish police and Polish officials.

 

Fourth. Excluded from this region remains the Polish harbor Gdingen, which is fundamentally Polish sovereign territory, insofar as it limits itself territorially to the Polish settlement.

 

The more precise borders of this Polish harbor city are to be fixed by Germany and Poland, and, if necessary, determined by an international court of arbitration.

 

Fifth. In order to secure the necessary time for the required extensive work for the execution of a just vote, this vote will not take place before the course of 12 months.

 

Sixth. In order to guarantee, unrestricted during this time, to Germany its connection with East Prussia and to Poland its connection with the sea, roads and rail-lines will be determined, which enable free transit. Only those fees will be imposed here, which are required for the maintenance of the transport routes and for the execution of the transports.

 

Seventh. The simple majority of the votes given decides over the membership of the region.

 

Eighth. In order, after the vote - quite regardless of how it may turn out - to guarantee the security of Germany’s commerce with its province Danzig-East Prussian, and Poland its connection to the sea, in the event the voting area falls to Poland, Germany will be given an extraterritorial commerce route, roughly in the direction Bütow-Danzig or Dirschau, for the construction of a Reich autobahn as well as a four-track rail-line. The construction of the road and rail-line will be carried out so that the Polish communications lines are not touched by it, this means, either passed over or passed under. The breadth of this zone will be set at one kilometer and is German sovereign territory.

 

If the vote falls in Germany’s favor, Poland receives for the free and unrestricted transit to its harbor Gdingen the same rights of a likewise extraterritorial road and rail connection, such as would be due Germany.

 

Ninth. In the event of the corridor’s return to the German Reich, it declares itself ready to undertake a population exchange with Poland to the extent to which the corridor is suited for this.

 

Tenth. The special rights, say, desired by Poland in the harbor of Danzig, will be negotiated on a footing of equality with the same rights for Germany in the harbor of Gdingen.

 

Eleventh. In order to eliminate in this region any feeling of a threat on both sides, Danzig and Gdingen would receive the character of pure trade cities, this means, without military facilities and military fortifications.

 

Twelfth. The Hela peninsula, which according to the vote would fall to either Poland or to Germany, would, at any rate, likewise be demilitarized.

 

Thirteenth. Since the German government has the sternest complaints to be brought against the Polish treatment of minorities, the Polish government, for its part, believes it must also bring complaints against Germany, both parties declare themselves in agreement that these complaints be brought to an internationally constituted investigation commission, which has the task to investigate all complaints about economic and physical damages as well as terrorist acts.

 

Germany and Poland obligate themselves to again pay back all economic and other damages against the minorities on both sides, which may have occurred since the year 1918, and to abolish all dispossessions or to make full compensation to the affected for these and other interventions into the economic life.

 

Fourteenth. It order to remove from the Germans remaining in Poland and the Poles living in Germany the feeling of international illegality and, above all, to grant them the security of not being able to be forced to actions or services, which are incompatible with their national feelings, Germany and Poland agree to secure the right of the minorities on both sides through broadest and binding agreements, in order to guarantee these minorities the preservation, free development and practice of their ethnicity, in particular, to allow them the organization deemed necessary by them for this purpose. Both parties obligate themselves not to detail members of the minority for military service.

 

Fifteenth. In the event of an agreement on the basis of these proposals, Germany and Poland declare themselves ready to order and carry out the immediate demobilization of their armed forces.

 

Sixteenth. The further measures necessary for the expediting of the above agreements will be jointly agreed upon by Germany and Poland.

 

The same holds for the proposals about security of the minorities. This is a treaty proposal such as could be made more loyal, more generous indeed by no other government than by the National Socialist leadership of the German Reich.

 

The Polish government of back then rejected even just reacting to these proposals. But the question raises itself in the process: How could such an insignificant state dare to simply negate such proposals and, beyond that, to not only resort to further atrocities against the Germans who had given this land its whole culture, rather even also ordered general mobilization?

 

A look into the documents of the Foreign Office in Warsaw later gave us all the surprising explanation. It was one man, who with satanic unscrupulousness put his whole influence into application, in order to strengthen Poland in its resistance and to eliminate any possibility of an agreement.

 

The reports, which the Polish emissary in Washington back then, Count Potocki, sent to his government in Warsaw, are documents from which emerges with shocking clarity how much a single man and the force driving him are burdened with the responsibility for the Second World War.

 

The question initially arises: For what reasons could this man fall into such a fanatical hostility toward a land, which previously, in its entire history, has inflicted any harm neither on America nor on him?

 

Insofar as Germany’s position toward America is concerned, the following is to be said:

 

First. Germany is perhaps the only great power that has ever possessed a colony or other politically engaged itself in neither the North nor the South American continent, other than through the emigration of many millions of Germans and their cooperation, from which the American continent, in particular, the United States of America, however, only drew a benefit.

 

Second. The German Reich, in the whole history of the emergence and existence of the United States, never taken a politically rejecting or even hostile stance, but indeed, with the blood of many of its sons, helped to defend the United States.

 

Third. The German Reich has never participated in a war against the United States itself, but the United States indeed brought war to Germany in the year 1917, and indeed for reasons, which have been completely clarified by a board, which the present-day President Roosevelt had himself employed for the examination of this question.

 

Precisely this investigating committee for the clarification of the reasons for America’s entry into the war has proven beyond any doubt that these reasons for the American war entry in 1917 laid exclusively in the area of the capitalist interests of a few small groups, that Germany itself, however, had no intention to get into a conflict with America.

 

Otherwise as well, there are no conflicts between the American and the German folk, be they of territorial or political nature, which could somehow touch the interests or even the existence of the United States. The difference in forms of government had always existed. But it cannot be drawn in at all as a reason for hostilities in the life of folks, as long as a form of government does not strive, outside of its own naturally given sphere, to intervene into others.

 

America is a republic led by a president with great authoritarian power. Germany was once a monarchy led by a conditional authority, later an authoritarian democracy, today a republic led by a strong authority. Between both states lies an ocean. The divergences between capitalist America and Bolshevist Russia would have to, if these concepts had something genuine within themselves at all, be fundamentally greater than between an America led by a president and a Germany led by a Führer.

 

But it is a fact that both historical conflicts between Germany and the United States, even if inspired by the same force, were nonetheless fanned exclusively by two men in the USA, namely by President Woodrow Wilson and by Franklin Roosevelt. History itself has pronounced the verdict over Wilson. His name remains linked to one the vilest breaches of faith of all times. The consequences of his breach of faith were the derangement of the life of the folks not only among the so-called defeated, rather also among the victors themselves. The dictate of Versailles, made possible solely through his breach of faith, ripped apart states, destroyed cultures and ruined the economy of all.

 

We know today that behind Wilson stood a society of interested financiers, who made use of this paralytic professor in order to lead America into the war, from which they hoped for increased business.

 

That the German folk had once believed this man, it had to pay for that with the collapse of its political and economic existence.

 

What is then the reason that, after such bitter experiences, a president of the United States is again found, who sees his sole task anew in letting wars arise and, above all, escalating the hostility toward Germany to the outbreak of war?

 

National Socialism came to power in Germany in the same year in which Roosevelt was elected president of the United States. It is now important to examine the motives, which must be viewed as the cause for the present-day development:

 

Initially, the personal side:

 

I understand only too well that a world-wide gulf exists between the life view and stance of President Roosevelt and my own.

 

Roosevelt comes from a very wealthy family, belonged from the start to that class of people, for whom birth and origin, in the democracies, pave life’s path and hence secure ascent.

 

I myself was only the child of a small and poor family and had to win my path under unspeakable effort through wok and industriousness.

 

When the World War came, Roosevelt, in a position under Wilson’s shadow, experienced the war from the sphere of the money-earner. He hence knows only the pleasant consequences of the conflict of folks and states, which result for those who make business there, where others bleed.

 

In this whole period, my own life again laid on the exact opposite side. I did not belong to those who made history or even business, rather only to those who carried out orders.

 

A simple soldier, I endeavored in these four years before the enemy to fulfill my duty and naturally returned from the war just as poor as I had entered it in the autumn of 1914. I hence shared my fate with that of millions, Mr. Roosevelt his with that of the so-called upper ten thousand. While Mr. Roosevelt after the war already tried his abilities in financial speculations, in order to draw personal benefit from the inflation, this means, the misery of the others, I still laid, like many other hundreds of thousands, in the field hospital.

 

And when Mr. Roosevelt finally entered the career of the normal, business experienced, economically established, due to origin patronized politician, I fought as nameless unknown for the resurrection of a folk, upon which the worst injustice in its whole history had been inflicted.

 

Two life paths! When Franklin Roosevelt stepped to the peak of the United States, he was the candidate of a thoroughly capitalist party, which made use of him. And when I became Chancellor of the German Reich, I was the leader of a folk movement, which I myself had created.

 

The forces, which carried Roosevelt, were the forces, which I, on the basis of the fate of my folk and of my most sacred inner conviction, fought. The “brain trust”, which the new American president had to make use of, consisted of members of the same folk, which we combated in Germany as a parasitic manifestation of mankind and began to remove from public life.

 

And nonetheless we both had something in common:

 

Franklin Roosevelt took over a state with an economy collapsed as a result of democratic influences, and I stepped to the top of a Reich, which, likewise thanks to democracy, found itself before total ruin.

 

The United States possessed 13 million unemployed, Germany 7 million, but also another 7 million short-term employed.

 

In both states, public finances were disarranged, the decline of general economic life seemed hardly still stoppable.

 

At this moment, a development now begins in the United States and in the German Reich, which will make it easy for posterity to pass a final verdict over the correctness of the theories. While in the German Reich, under National Socialist leadership, in a few years a tremendous ascent of life, of economy, of culture, of art etc. sets in, President Roosevelt did not manage to bring about even the slightest improvements in his own land.

 

But how much easier would this work have to be in the United States, in which barely 15 people live on a square kilometer as opposed to 140 in Germany.

 

If it does not succeed in this land to bring about an economic blossoming, then this is only connected to either the ill will of a ruling leadership or to a total inability of the summoned human being.

 

In the same period. President Roosevelt has increased the state debt of his land to the most astronomical, devalued the dollar, put the economy into even more disorder, and maintained the unemployment figure.

 

But this is not surprising, if one considers that the spirits, which this man summoned for his support, or better, summoned him, belong to those elements who, as Jews, can posses an interest only in disarrangement and never in order! While we in National Socialist Germany combated speculation, it experienced an amazing blossoming under the Roosevelt era. The legislation of the New Deal of this man was false and hence the biggest mistake that a man ever suffered. There is no doubt about it, that a continuation of this economic policy in times of peace sooner or later, despite all his dialectic skill, would have brought down this president. In European states, he would have certainly found his end before a state court due to willful waste of the national fortune, before a civil court, however, due to negligent business conduct, hardly escaped prison.

 

Many, and also prominent, Americans also possess this verdict or, better, realization.

 

An ominous opposition was brewing over the head of this man. It made him surmise that only diversion of the attention of public opinion from his domestic policy to foreign could bring rescue. It is interesting to study in this connection the reports of the Polish emissary Potocki from Washington, which again and again point out that Roosevelt was very much ware of the threat of the collapse of his whole economic house of cards, and hence, under all circumstances, needed a foreign affairs diversion.

 

He was reinforced in this by the circle of Jews surrounding him, who, out of Old Testament thirst for revenge, believed to see in the United States the instrument in order to prepare with it a second Purim European nations becoming ever more anti-Semitic. It was the Jew in his whole satanic vileness who gathered around this man, and to which, however, this man also grasped. So the influence of the American president begins to increasingly have an effect in the sense of creating conflicts or deepening existing conflicts, in any case, however, to prevent that conflicts find a peaceful solution. For years, this man has just the one sole wish, that somewhere in the world a fight breaks out, best in Europe, which gives him the opportunity to establish, through obligation of the American economy to one of both quarreling parties, an entanglement of political interests, which could be suited to slowly bring America closer to such a conflict and thereby divert attention from his failed economic policy in the interior to the outside.

 

His concerted action becomes especially brusque in this sense against the German Reich. From the year 1937 on, a number of speeches sets in, among them, an especially vile one on October 5, 1937 in Chicago, in which this man systematically begins to incite the American public against Germany. He threatens with the establishment of a kind of quarantine against the so-called authoritarian states.

 

In the execution of these now constantly escalating hate and agitation speeches by President Roosevelt, he summons, after new insulting statements, the American ambassador in Berlin to Washington. Since then, both states are still linked to each other only through agents.

 

From November 1930 on, he systematically and intentionally begins to sabotage any possibility for a European pacification policy. In the process, he feigns interest in peace, but threatens any state that is ready to engage in a policy of peaceful agreement with blocking of loans, with economic reprisals, with cancellation of loans etc.. The reports of the Polish ambassadors in Washington, London, Paris and Brussels provide a shocking insight here.

 

In January 1939, this man begins to intensify his agitation campaign and threatens before the congress to proceed with all measures against the authoritarian states expect with war.

 

While he continuously claims that other states try to interfere into American affairs and boasts of the preservation of the Monroe Doctrine, he begins since March 1939 to butt into intra-European matters that are no business at all of the president of the United States. First, he does not understand these problems, and second, even if he were to understand them and grasp the historical circumstances, he would have just as little right to concern himself with the Central Europe region as, say, the German chief of state has a right to judge or even take a position on the conditions in a state of the USA.

 

Yes, Mr. Roosevelt goes even farther. Contrary to all international law regulations, he declares he does not recognize governments, which do not suit him, not to accept new orders, to retain embassies of long dissolved states or even to install them as legal governments. Yes, finally it goes so far, to conclude treaties with such embassies, which then even gives him the right to simply occupy foreign territories. On April 15, 1939 came Roosevelt’s famous appeal to me and II Duce, which represented a mixture of geographic and political ignorance, on the one hand, combined with the arrogance of a member of certain millionaire circles, on the other, and in which we were challenged to make explanations and to conclude nonaggression pacts with x-number of states, in the process, for the larger part, with states that were not in possession of their freedom at all, because they either had been annexed by allies of Mr. Roosevelt or had been transformed into protectorates. You remember, my delegates, that back then I gave these impetuous gentlemen an equally polite as well as clear reply, which still, at least for a few months, stopped the flood of talkativeness of this staunch war agitator.

 

But in his place now stepped his honorable wife. She refused to want to her sons to live in a world such as we possess. But that is understandable. For this is a world of work, not one of deceit and swindles. But after a short rest, this woman’s husband then put through, on November 4, 1939, a change in the neutrality law so that now the ban against weapons export was lifted, and indeed in favor of a one-sided supply to Germany’s opponents.

 

Then he gradually begins, like in East Asia with China, here as well, along the detour of an economic entanglement, to produce a community of interests sooner or later becoming effective. At the same time, he recognizes a group of Polish emigrants as so-called exile government, whose sole political foundation is a few million gold pieces brought along from Warsaw. Already on April 9th, he goes farther and orders the blocking of Norwegian and Danish goods under the deceitful pretext of thereby preventing a German grasp, although he is fully aware that, for example, the Danish government is not monitored to at all in its financial administration by Germany, let alone controlled.

 

In addition to the various exile governments, a Norwegian one as well is now recognized by him. Already on May 15th, 1940, these are now joined by Dutch and Belgian emigrant governments, and likewise, a blocking of Dutch and Belgian credits sets in. Only the true orientation of this man first reveals itself in a telegram of June 15th to French Minister- President Reynaud. It informs him that the American government will double the aid to France, on the condition that France continues the war against Germany. In order to give special emphasis to this wish for prolongation of the war, he makes the statement that the American government will not recognize the results of the conquest, this means the regaining, for example, of regions once robbed from Germany. I do not need to assure you, my delegates, that any German government is quite indifferent whether or not the president of the United States recognizes a border in Europe, and in the future as well will be indifferent.

 

I present the incident only for the characterization of this man’s systematic agitation, who hypocritically feigns peace and eternally only agitates for war. For now he is befallen by the fear that, in the event of the emergence of a European peace, the billions wasted in his armament will in a short time be recognized as outright swindle, since nobody attacks America, unless it provokes it itself!

 

On June 17, 1940, the president of the United States orders the blocking of French credits, in order, as he expresses him-self, to remove them from German grasp, in reality, however, in order to transport the gold from Casablanca to America with the help of an American cruiser.

 

From July 1940 on, Roosevelt’s measures escalate ever more, in order, be it through the entry of American citizens into the British airforce or through the training of English flight personal in the United States, to find the path to war itself. And already in August 1940, the shared establishment of a military program for the United States and Canada ensues. But to make the formation of an American-Canadian defense committee seem plausible to at least the biggest idiots, he invents from time to time crises, in which he acts as if America is threatened with an attack, which he suggests to his - already really pitiful - following in that he suddenly breaks off trips, returns to Washington in the greatest haste, in order to thereby underline the dangerousness of the situation.

 

In September 1940, he approached war even more. He cedes to the English fleet 50 destroyers from the American fleet, for which, however, he takes over military strong points in the British possessions in North and Central America. Which, then, only posterity will clarify, namely, how far, given all this hatred against social Germany, the intention also played along to be able to take over most surely and safely the British Empire at the hour of decay.

 

Since England is no longer in the position to be able to pay for American deliveries with cash money, he forces the Lease-Loan Law upon the American folk. As president, he now receives the power for lease-loan support to the lands, whose defense seems to Roosevelt as vital for America. Only in March 1941, this man, after Germany cannot be moved under any circumstances to react to his continuous flailing, again goes a step farther.

 

Already on December 19, 1939, American cruisers inside the security zone have played the steamer “Columbus” into the hands of British warships. It hence has to be sunk. On the same day, U.S. military forces participated in the attempt to capture the German steamer “Arauca”. On January 27, 1940, the U.S. cruiser “Trenton”, again in violation of international law, informed enemy naval military forces of the movements of the German steam freighters “Arauca”, ”La Plata” and “Wangoni”. On June 27, 1940, completely in violation of international order, he orders a restriction of the free of movement of foreign trade ships in U.S. harbors.

 

In November 1940, he has the German steamers “Phrygia”, “Idarwald” and “Rhein” pursued by U.S. warships for so long until these steamers must finally sink themselves in order not to fall into enemy hands. On April 13, 1941, there ensues the release for travel through the Red Sea for U.S. ships for the supply of the British armies in the Near East. In the month of March, the seizure of all German ships by the American authorities had meanwhile already ensued. German Reich citizens were, in the process, treated in the most dishonorable manner, in violation of international law, assigned certain places to stay, travel restrictions imposed etc..

 

Two German officers escaped from Canadian capacity were likewise, in violation of international law, bound and again delivered to the Canadian authorities. On March 27th, the same president who is against any aggression greets the clique of rebels, who have come to power through aggression in Belgrade after the overthrow of the legal government, Simowitsch and comrades. Already months earlier, President Roosevelt sent Colonel Donovan, a totally inferior subject, to the Balkans on his assignment, in order to try there, in Sofia and in Belgrade, to bring about an uprising against Germany and Italy.

 

He then promises aid in April to Yugoslavia and Greece on the basis of the Lend-Lease Law. Already at the end of April, this man again recognizes the Yugoslavian and Greek emigrants as exile government and furthermore blocks anew, contrary to international law, Yugoslavian and Greek credits. From the middle of April on, furthermore, there ensures a further watching of the Western Atlantic by U.S. patrols and their reports to the English.

 

On April 26th, Roosevelt delivers 20 speedboats to England and at the same time continuous repairs of British warships occur in U.S. harbors. On May 12th, there ensues, contrary to international law, the arming and repair of Norwegian steamers, which sail for England. On June 4th, American troop transports arrive in Greenland for airfield construction. And on June 9th comes the first English report that, on the basis of an order from President Roosevelt, a U.S. warship has attacked a German U-boat near Greenland with depth charges.

 

On June 14th there ensures, again contrary to international law, the blocking of German credits in the United States. On June 17th, President Roosevelt, under false pretexts, demands the withdrawal of German consuls and the closing of German consulates. He further demands the closing of the German press agency “Transocean”, of the German information library and of the German train central. On July 6th through 7th, there ensures the occupation of Iceland lying in the war zone, on Roosevelt’s order, by American armed forces. He certainly now hopes thereby,

first, to finally force Germany into war,

second, otherwise to make the German U-boat war just as useless as, say, in the year 1915-1916.

 

At the same time, he delivers an American aid promise to the Soviet Union. On July 10th, Naval Minister Knox suddenly announces that the U.S. navy possesses an order to fire on Axis warships. On September 4th, the U.S. destroyer “Greer”, corresponding to the order given it, operates with English airplanes against German U-boats in the Atlantic.

 

Five days later, a German U-boat ascertains U.S. destroyers as escort vessels in an English convoy. On September 11th, Roosevelt finally delivers that speech in which he himself confirms and issues again the order to fire on all Axis ships. On September 29th, U.S. escorts attack German U-boat east of Greenland with depth charges. On October 17th, the U.S. destroyer “Kearny”, sailing as escort protection for England, again attacks a German U-boat with depth charges, and on November 7th, the U.S. armed forces finally seize, contrary to international law, the German steamer “Odenwald”, tow it into an American harbor and take the crew prisoner.

 

The insulting attacks and flailing by this so-called president against me personally, I want to bypass in the process as insignificant. That he calls me an opponent, is all the more indifferent, since this concept, probably for lack of such subjects, comes not from Europe, rather from the USA.

 

But aside from that, I cannot be insulted by Mr. Roosevelt at all, for I view him, like Woodrow Wilson once was, as likewise mentally ill.

 

That this man with his Jewish entourage has now fought for years with the same methods against Japan, is known to us. I do not need to bring them up for discussion here. Here as well, the same methods have found application. First this man agitates for war, then he falsifies the causes, makes arbitrary claims, then hides himself in a repulsive manner in a cloud of Christian hypocrisy, and so slowly but surely leads mankind toward war, not without then, as old Freemason, in the process, calling upon God as witness for the honorability of his action.

 

I believe you will all have felt it as a release, that now finally one state as first strides to that step against this, in history unique and unabashed, mistreatment of truth and of right, which this man, after all, has desired, and about which he hence now cannot be surprised or even complain. That the Japanese government, after years of negotiating with this falsifier, was finally fed up, fills all of us, the German folk and. I believe, also the rest of decent people in the whole world, with deep satisfaction.

 

We know what force stands behind Roosevelt. It is that eternal Jew, who believes his time has come to carry out against us as well, what we have all had to see and experience, horrified, in Soviet Russia. We have now become acquainted with the Jewish paradise on earth. Millions of German soldiers have been able to gain personal insight into a land in which this international Jew destroyed and annihilated man and property. The president of the United States himself may perhaps not comprehend this. This then only speaks for his mental limitation.

 

But we know that this is the goal of his whole struggle: Even if we did not stand in alliance with Japan, it would be clear to us that it is the intention of the Jews and their Franklin Roosevelt to destroy one state after the next alone. The present-day German Reich, however, no longer has anything in common with the Germany of once. We will hence, on our part as well, also do what this provocateur has tried for years to achieve. Not only, because we are allies of Japan, rather because Germany and Italy, in their present leadership, possess sufficient insight and strength in order to comprehend that, in this historic time, the existence or non-existence of the nations is being decided, perhaps for always. What this other world has planned for us, is clear to us. They brought the democratic Germany of once to starvation. They would exterminate the socialist one of today. If Mr. Roosevelt or Mr. Churchill declare than they then later want to build a new social order, then this is roughly so, as if a barber with a bald head recommends an infallible hair growth remedy. The gentlemen who live in the socially most backward states, instead of agitating for war, should have concerned themselves with their unemployed. They have in their own lands distress and misery enough in order to occupy themselves there in the sense of a distribution of foodstuffs. As far as the German folk is concerned, it needs alms neither from Mr. Churchill nor from Mr. Roosevelt or even from Mr. Eden, rather it only wants its right. It will secure for itself this right to life, even if a thousand Churchills or Roosevelts want to conspire against it. This folk here now has an almost two-thousand-year history behind it. In this ling time, it was never as united and solidified as today and, thanks to the National Socialist movement, as it will be for all the future. But it was also perhaps never so keen-sighted and seldom so conscious of honor. I have hence today had passports issued to the American agent and him notified unmistakably of the following:

 

In the pursuit of President Roosevelt’s policy directed at the ever-broader expansion of on unlimited world dictatorship, the United States of America in union with England, have shunned no means in order to contest the German, the Italian and also the Japanese folk the prerequisites for their natural life preservation. The governments of England and the United States of America have for this reason opposed, not only for the present, rather also for all future, any justified revision for the establishment of a better new order in the world.

 

Since the beginning of the war, the America president has to an increasing degree let himself become guilty of a series of most severe crimes against international law. Illegal infringements against ships and other property of German and Italian citizen combined with the threat, yes, the arbitrary robbery of the personal freedom of the affected through internment etc... The, also otherwise intensifying, attacks by the president of the United States, Roosevelt, went so far that, in the end, he issued the order to the American navy, contrary to all international law, to immediately attack everywhere ships of German and Italian nationality, to fire on them and to sink them. American ministers bragged about having destroyed German U-boats in this criminal manner. German and Italian commercial vessels were attacked by American cruisers, captured, and their peaceful crew taken to prisons. Without any attempt of an official refutation from the side of the American government, however, President Roosevelt’s plan was now published in America, at the latest, in the year 1943, to want to attack Germany and Italy with military means of power in Europe itself.

 

Germany’s and Italy’s upright effort, testifying to unequalled patience, to prevent an expansion of the war and to preserve relations with the United States, despite the unbearable provocations from President Roosevelt ensuing for years, has hence been run aground.

 

Germany and Italy have now finally seen themselves compelled, true to the stipulations of the Three Power Pact of September 27, 1940, side by side with Japan, to jointly wage the fight for the defense and thus for the preservation of the freedom and independence of their folks and empires against the United States of America and England.

 

The three powers have hence concluded the following treaty and signed it on the present day in Berlin.

 

In the unshakable decision not to lay down arms until the joint war against the United States of America and England has been waged to the successful end, the German government, the Italian government and the Japanese government have agreed upon the following stipulations:

 

Article I.

 

Germany, Italy and Japan will jointly wage, with all the means of power at their disposal, to the victorious end, the war forced upon them by the United States of America and England.

 

Article 2.

 

Germany, Italy and Japan obligate themselves, without full reciprocal agreement, to conclude an armistice or a peace with neither the United States of America nor with England.

 

Article 3.

 

Germany, Italy and Japan, even after the victorious ending of the war, will, for the purpose of the establishment of a just new order in the sense of the Three Power Pact concluded by them on September 27, 1940, work together most closely.

 

Article 4.

 

This treaty takes effect immediately after its signing and remains in effect for just as long as the Three Power Pact of September 27, 1940. The high parties to this contract will give notice in time before the expiration of this period of validity about the further shaping of their cooperation envisioned in article 3 of this treaty.

 

Delegates! Men of the German Reichstag!

 

Already since the rejection of my last peace proposal of July 1940, it was clear to us that this fight must be fought through to the final consequence. That the Anglo-Saxon-Jewish-capitalist world finds itself in one front with Bolshevism in the process, is for us National Socialists no surprise. We have always found them in the interior in the same community. Only we have successfully waged this fight in the interior and finally, after a sixteen-year long struggle for power, destroyed our opponents.

 

When I decided twenty-three years ago to enter political life in order to again lead the nation up out of its decline, 1 was a nameless, unknown soldier. Many among you know how difficult the first years of this struggle were. The path of the small movement of seven men to the assumption of the responsible government on January 30, 1933 was such a miraculous one, that only Providence itself can have enabled this through its blessing.

 

Today I stand at the top of the strongest army in the world, the mightiest Luftwaffe and a proud navy. Behind me and around me, I know, as sworn community, the party, with which with I have grown up and which has become great through me.

 

The opponents, whom I see before me, are the known enemies for over twenty years. Only the path that lies before me is not to be compared with the path upon which I can look back. The German folk stands in the realization of the most decisive hour of its existence. Millions of soldiers obediently and loyally fulfill their duty under the most difficult conditions. Millions of German peasants and workers, German women and girls, stand in the factories and in the offices, on the fields and croplands and produce, by the sweat of their brow, bread for the homeland and weapons for the front. In alliance with us are strong folks, which, tormented by the same distress, find the same enemies before them.

 

The American president and his plutocratic clique have baptized us the folks of the have-nots. That is right! But the have-nots want to live, and they will, in any case, achieve that the little that they possess for life, is not also robbed from them by the haves. You know, my party comrades, my inflexible decision, to wage a once began fight to the successful end. You know my will in such a fight to shun nothing, to overcome all obstacles, which must be overcome.

 

In my first speech on September I, 1939, I assured you that neither force of arms nor time will beat down Germany. I also want to assure my opponents that not only force of arms and time will not defeat us, rather that also no inner doubt can make us waiver in the fulfillment of our duty. When we think about the sacrifice of our soldiers, about their action, then any sacrifice by the homeland is totally insignificant and meaningless. But if we consider the number of all those who, already in the generations before us, have fallen for the existence and greatness of the German folk, then we first really become aware of the greatness of the duty that rests upon us ourselves.

 

But whoever intends to withdraw himself from this duty, has no claim to be valued as folk comrade in our midst.

 

Just as we have been pitilessly hard in the struggle for power, we will be just as pitiless and hard in the struggle for the preservation of our folk. In a time in which thousands of our best men, fathers and sons of our folk, fall, nobody should count on life, who in the homeland wants to devalue the sacrifice of the front. Quite regardless, under whatever camouflage the attempt would ever be made to disrupt this front, to undermine our folk's will to resistance, to weaken the authority of the regime, to sabotage the accomplishments of the front. The guilty will fall! Only with the difference that the soldier at the front makes this sacrifice in the highest honor, while the other, who devalues this honorable sacrifice, dies in shame.

 

Our opponents should not deceive themselves. In the two thousand years of German history known to us, our folk has never been more solidified and united than today. The Master of the World has done such great things to us in the last years that we can bow in gratitude before a Providence, which has allowed us to be members of such a great folk. We thank him that, in view of earlier and coming generations of the German folk, we as well can enter ourselves in honor into the immortal book of German history!